The English have always had an ambivalent attitude toward law enforcement. The common law, on which society was based, was merely a code of laws based on the mores of the time, and the regents were loathe to codify offenses in writing. London was a criminal's heaven, as it was the responsibility of the victim to catch and bring suit against the criminal. Since theft was a capital offense for which the accused could be executed, criminals were just as likely to kill their victims as spare them, as the penalty for murder was also hanging and the dead couldn't testify.
Britain's first attempt at formal law enforcement began in the age of King Edgar toward the end of the 10th century. Edgar divided the country into various shires and placed a lower nobleman in charge of keeping the King's Peace. These shire reeves, as they were first called (later shortened to sheriff), proved no match for the country's lawlessness, and in fact, like the Sheriff of Nottingham of the Robin Hood legend, contributed to the general corruption. Much later, the duty of law and order was assigned to the military, which put "Masters of the Horse," or constables, on the scene to mete frontier justice. These constables were proven ill-equipped to handle the unruly natives.
After the Restoration of Charles II, the London constables were replaced with "Old Charlies," pensioned military men who patrolled the streets of the city at night. For two hundred years, Old Charlies incurred the wrath of London's underworld, and demonstrated their inability to catch criminals or even thwart crime. At the end of the 1600s, Parliament decided it takes a thief to catch a thief and passed the Reward System, which offered a 40 pound bounty for capturing a thief. This prompted a huge influx of thieves turning in other thieves, and led to the rise of Jonathan Wilde, London's master thief, as the chief law enforcement officer in the city.
Wilde was employed by the city to capture thieves and return property to its rightful owner. He took the system and ran with it, charging finder's fees and creating an extortion racket that required property owners to share a portion of the recovered loot with him. He created the Office of Lost and Stolen Property within the Marshal's portfolio and became a multimillionaire until an embarrassed Parliament shut him down in 1725. For his malfeasance in office, Wilde was hanged.
In 1748, Henry Fielding, who had been forced by pressure from Parliament to abandon his successful role as author, playwright and social critic, was named court justice for Middlesex and Westminster and took offices at No. 4 Bow Street. He hired a number of strapping men to assist him in bringing law and order to the area, and created the city's first paid, professional police force. The Bow Street force was able to respond to a reported crime in around 15 minutes, and for this, they acquired the nickname "Bow Street Runners."
But they were clearly shoveling against the tide. At no time did the Bow Street Runners comprise more than 15 men, and at the time of its foundation an estimated 30,000 people made their living through larceny, writes H. Paul Jeffries in Bloody Business, a fascinating history of Scotland Yard.
Book cover: Bloody Business
Book cover: Bloody Business
Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
"Londoners lived in a world where violence, disorder and brutal punishments were still part of the normal background of life," said Dorothy George in 1930.
This was the world into which Sweeney Todd was born in 1748.
Monday, November 16, 2009
Thursday, September 24, 2009
director 5.dir.0030003 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION
The FBI informed us that all FBI data regarding the crash near Roswell had been processed under Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) requests previously received by the Bureau. We reviewed the FBI's FOIA material and identified the July 8, 1947, FBI teletype message discussing the recovery near Roswell of a high-altitude weather balloon with a radar reflector. (A copy of the FBI's response appears in app. VI.)
DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE
DOD informed us that the U.S. Air Force report of July 1994, entitled Report of Air Force Research Regarding the Roswell Incident, represents the extent of DOD records or information concerning the Roswell crash. The Air Force report concluded that there was no dispute that something happened near Roswell in July 1947 and that all available official materials indicated the most likely source of the wreckage recovered was one of the project MOGUL balloon trains. At the time of the Roswell crash, project MOGUL was a highly classified U.S. effort to determine the state of Soviet nuclear weapons research using balloons that carried radar reflectors and acoustic sensors. (A copy of DOD's response appears in app. VII.)
CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
In March 1995, the CIA's Executive Director responded to our letter of inquiry by stating that earlier searches by the CIA for records on unidentified flying objects produced no information pertaining to the Roswell crash. The Executive Director added, however, that it was unclear whether the CIA had ever conducted a search for records specifically relating to Roswell. In the absence of such assurance, the Executive Director instructed CIA personnel to conduct a comprehensive records search for information relating to Roswell. On May 30, 1995, the CIA's Executive Director informed us that a search against the term "Roswell, New Mexico," in all CIA databases produced no CIA documents related to the crash. (A copy of CIA's response appears in app. VIII.)
The FBI informed us that all FBI data regarding the crash near Roswell had been processed under Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) requests previously received by the Bureau. We reviewed the FBI's FOIA material and identified the July 8, 1947, FBI teletype message discussing the recovery near Roswell of a high-altitude weather balloon with a radar reflector. (A copy of the FBI's response appears in app. VI.)
DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE
DOD informed us that the U.S. Air Force report of July 1994, entitled Report of Air Force Research Regarding the Roswell Incident, represents the extent of DOD records or information concerning the Roswell crash. The Air Force report concluded that there was no dispute that something happened near Roswell in July 1947 and that all available official materials indicated the most likely source of the wreckage recovered was one of the project MOGUL balloon trains. At the time of the Roswell crash, project MOGUL was a highly classified U.S. effort to determine the state of Soviet nuclear weapons research using balloons that carried radar reflectors and acoustic sensors. (A copy of DOD's response appears in app. VII.)
CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
In March 1995, the CIA's Executive Director responded to our letter of inquiry by stating that earlier searches by the CIA for records on unidentified flying objects produced no information pertaining to the Roswell crash. The Executive Director added, however, that it was unclear whether the CIA had ever conducted a search for records specifically relating to Roswell. In the absence of such assurance, the Executive Director instructed CIA personnel to conduct a comprehensive records search for information relating to Roswell. On May 30, 1995, the CIA's Executive Director informed us that a search against the term "Roswell, New Mexico," in all CIA databases produced no CIA documents related to the crash. (A copy of CIA's response appears in app. VIII.)
Sunday, August 2, 2009
petroleum 5.pet.0003 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
185. Japan Suggests That Reciprocal Permits Facilitate Maintenance of American and Japanese Embassies
The Japanese government asked that the United States guarantee, under the principle of reciprocity, that Japanese diplomatic and consulate organizations in the United States be permitted to draw funds for the maintenance of offices and the expenses of personnel.[640]
On August 27, 1941 the Japanese Foreign Minister handed Ambassador Grew in Tokyo a document containing Japan's opinions on this subject, and on the same day a similar document was transmitted to Ambassador Nomura with instructions that he contact the American State Department concerning it. Japan pointed out that by the present reciprocal arrangement effective between Japan, England, Australia, Canada and Holland, it was possible to exclude the Ambassador, Consul, and employees of government offices from the investigations following transactions of foreigners. This agreement did not include public funds, but exempted only personal accounts of consular officials from investigation.
Since the United States did not permit the practice which Japan had accorded to American officials in Tokyo, the Japanese government felt obliged to make certain revisions in the American proposals concerning Japanese funds. Japan desired that the investigation of the actual expenses connected with telegraphic matters, salaries of employees, rents and entertainment expenses be omitted.[641] Furthermore, a permit should not be required for the receipt of money transferred to another official account.
On the other hand, America should grant a permit when Embassy and Consulates and other government offices wished to pay into the Japanese national treasury any balance on hand of current operating expenses and funds arising from the disposal of assets. Moreover, the income received by the consulate and the salaries of the consulate employees should be allowed to be sent to Japan. In regard to the personal living and traveling expenses, the standard set was to be 1500 yen a month in Japan and $500.00 a month in America. Permits for established salaries were to be issued reciprocally for the payment of both the Japanese and American Ambassadors, their Financial Attaches, Military and Naval Attaches, and Embassy secretaries.[642]
If any circumstances rendered necessary a greater amount than that already agreed upon, either the American or Japanese Ambassador, as the case might be, was to apply for a separate permit upon each occasion. After a list of the Japanese employees above the rank of clerk was furnished to the State Department by the Japanese Embassy in Washington, the American government was to grant the Yokohama Specie Bank a general permit covering the payment of salaries to these employees by the Japanese Foreign Office. If the expenses remitted through the Yokohama Specie Bank exceeded the $500.00 per month limit, the United States government was to grant a permit for the additional funds immediately upon the request of the Japanese Embassy.[643]
When Ambassador Nomura presented this memorandum from his government, he expressed the opinion that although the present arrangement would be effective only in the Japanese Empire and the United States respectively, it should be extended even further. If America facilitated the clearing of dollar remittances to Japanese offices and employees in South America and Europe as well, the Japanese Ambassador promised to recommend that the Manchurian and Nanking governments accord similar privileges to American offices in that area.[644]
[640] III, 376.
[641] III, 403.
[642] Ibid.
[643] Ibid.
[644] Ibid.
[141]
186. Japan Sets Date for Evacuation of American Missionaries
On September 2, 1941 the Governor-General's Office in Korea announced that in view of the fact that all thirteen of the American missionaries had consented to evacuate, all pending litigation would be dismissed and the missionaries would sail to Shanghai on Japanese vessels. Departing from Japan on ships leaving on August 26 and September 16, 1941, they would transfer at Shanghai to American vessels for the trip to the United States.[645]
187. Japan Opposes American Aid Sent to Russia Via Vladivostok[646]
On September 4, 1941 the Japanese Military Attache made another report on American aid being sent to Russia via Vladivostok. In his opinion the American public did not support aid to Russia so wholeheartedly as that to China. Therefore, he believed that Tokyo could openly oppose the routing of American tankers to Russia.[647]
If it were emphasized that the Japanese Navy held maneuvers in that area, and if at the same time the sinking of the Terukuni Maru in those mined waters was recalled, the Japanese Military Attache believed that American supplies to Russia would be rerouted in the future. At the same time, however, he emphasized that the Japanese government should not put too much pressure upon American officials, otherwise a commercial war might commence which would result finally in the complete economic destruction of the Japanese Empire.[648]
188. Japanese Finance Minister Attempts to Avoid Petroleum Sales Restrictions
On September 4, 1941 a Japanese official in Washington reported to the Minister of Finance in Tokyo concerning the problem of obtaining funds with which to purchase petroleum from the United States. According to this official's opinion, diplomatic relations between Japan and the United States must inevitably become more favorable, for if the situation were allowed to become worse, trade between Japan and South America would greatly suffer and any attempts of the Japanese to preserve their deposits there would be thwarted. On the other hand, if the situation improved, Japanese officials could send money from the United States to South America. To secure the necessary petroleum, therefore, it would be advantageous if the Japanese government heeded America's current demands so that means of paying for any petroleum purchases could be devised by Japan.[649] Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
The finance officer promised to discuss the problem with the American State and Treasury Departments and the Foreign Fund Control Board. After the United States had put into effect the freezing measures against Japan, the Japanese government had sent funds to South America for the purchase of certain goods. In view of this the finance officer suggested that in the future a portion of these funds should be used to pay for United States exports and, particularly, in the purchase of petroleum. Any other money in gold accumulated in other countries was also to be used for this purpose, though it would be necessary to secure permits beforehand from the Exchange Control Organization in each country.[650]
The Japanese official pointed out that the United States could effect a freezing of funds in related banks in order to impair Japan's South American policy, though such action had been delayed by the United States because of the Japanese-American negotiations. In order, therefore, to lessen the ill effects which the South American countries would suffer if the United States froze Japanese funds in their banks, the Japanese finance officer again urged Tokyo to make certain concessions to America's demands.[651]
[645] III, 404.
[646] Information in this section did not become available until January 1945.
[647] III, 405.
[648] Ibid.
[649] III, 406.
[650] Ibid.
[651] III, 407.
[142]
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
189. Ambassador Nomura Informs Tokyo of Transfer of Funds
Referring to his previous message to Tokyo regarding funds on hand in Washington, Ambassador Nomura declared on September 4, 1941 that the $20,606.47 which he had been holding for the New York Consulate would be transferred to that office.[652]
On September 5, 1941 the Japanese Ambassador was asked to send $5000 from the special secret funds held by the Counselor to a Japanese resident in Cuba for emergency use. The actual disbursement of these funds, however, was to be made only upon orders from Foreign Minister Toyoda.[653]
190. Mr. Terasaki Plans to Confer with "America First" Committee
For the purpose of making secret contacts with members of the "America First" Committee, Ambassador Nomura asked Tokyo on September 6, 1941 to authorize Secretary Hidenari Terasaki to make an official visit to Chicago. Since Mr. Terasaki had been unable to make an official tour to Los Angeles and San Francisco, it was requested also that he be permitted at this time to stop off at San Francisco, Seattle and Los Angeles.[654]
191. Japan Keeps in Touch with Its Nationals in America
Arrangements were made on September 6, 1941 to have Mr. Ryukichi Watanabe attend memorial services in honor of his son, Mr. Junichi Watanabe and others, which was to be held from October 15 to 21 inclusive at the Yasukuni Shrine in New York. Since the name of the deceased was not to be made public until the end of September, Mr. Watanabe's invitation to the memorial services was to be extended to him confidentially.[655]
192. Arrest of Japanese in Possession of Illegal Passports
Tokyo learned on September 6, 1941 from Consul Nakauchi in Hollywood that local immigration officers had arrested Japanese who were in possession of illegal passports. Approximately 100 persons had been taken into custody in California. Since it appeared that "this sort of round-up" would be carried on in the future as well, Mr. Nakauchi declared that when boats became available approximately half of these persons would be given the opportunity to return home.[656]
193. Japanese Officials Leave for Japan (September 9, 1941)
Other Japanese returning to Tokyo at this time included Couriers Kuga, Watanabe and Tachi; Mr. Zozo Nishina, an engineer; Mr. Nakajima, former Manchurian Railroad Director; Mr. Hase, Diet Member; Mr. Kiyohara, Secretary of the Ministry of Justice; Messrs. Kuge and Ito, officials of the Home Ministry; Professors Hamada and Tanabe; Mr. Satsuma, Chief Editor of the Kokumin newspaper, and two others. This group had left San Francisco on the President Taylor on September 9, 1941 en route to Shanghai whence reservations to Japan had been requested.[657]
194. Japanese Speculations Continue Regarding Myron Taylor's Return to Vatican
After a year's absence, Mr. Myron Taylor, President Roosevelt's personal emissary to the Vatican, returned to his post on September 9, 1941. Various rumors arose concerning his mis-
[652] III, 408.
[653] III, 409.
[654] III, 410.
[635] III, 411.
[656] III, 412.
[657] III, 413.
[143]
sion. According to one representative, Mr. Taylor had been ordered to request that the Vatican mediate the settlement of the Far Eastern question between Japan and the United States. Another report indicated that, in view of the new alliance between Great Britain, the United States and Soviet Russia, Mr. Taylor was to discuss the anti-Bolshevik propaganda instigated by Catholics.
Other speculations included the discussion by Mr. Taylor of problems affecting Catholics and Catholic missions throughout the territories of the Far East under the control of the United States and Great Britain, as well as the theory that Mr. Taylor had brought a peace proposal for the Pope's opinion. In the opinion of Japanese officials stationed in Rome, however, Mr. Taylor had not been entrusted with any particular mission. In view of the present delicate international situation they believed Mr. Taylor's assignment to be a gesture designated by President Roosevelt for the purpose of spreading good-will among the Catholics in the United States, Central and South America and in Europe.[658]
195. Mr. Myron Taylor Sees Possibility of Russo-German Peace Move
On September 10, 1941, the conversation of Mr. Taylor with the American Ambassador to France, Admiral William Leahy, and the American Ambassador to Spain, Alexander Weddell was reported from Barcelona by Japanese Consul Suma. Mr. Taylor believed that America's participation in the war at the present time was unlikely unless a major incident developed, or it became necessary to combat German-Russian peace moves. While Stalin questioned the motivation of British and American aid to Russia, he greatly feared the collapse of the Russian regime and at times it was thought that he planned to make peace with Germany. Depending upon the terms offered, Stalin might accede.[659] As far as the United States was concerned, it was anxious to avoid waging a war in the Pacific and the Atlantic at the same time. Although the United States would make no clear commitment in view of the consequences if Japan remained in the Axis, the American authorities would ensure that conversations between the two countries were not discontinued. If Japan broke with the Axis, the United States was ready to make "sizable concessions."[660]
Although the moving of English troops to Malay pointed to the opening of a joint British-American campaign, it was believed that the United States was unlikely to go as far as rendering "military assistance" until its relationship with Japan was more clearly defined.[661]
196. Japan Changes Military Attaches in United States
Foreign Minister Toyoda, on September 10, 1941 informed Ambassador Nomura that Major Hotsue Ishikawa who was already in the United States, had been appointed Assistant Military Attache, replacing Lt. Col. Toshkizu Suzuki.[662]
197. Freezing Order Necessitates Reorganization of Japanese Intelligence Activities
Japanese espionage and intelligence organizations in the United States were affected by the freezing of Japanese assets. Consul Morishima in New York advised Tokyo on September 12, 1941 that even before the freezing legislation it had been decided to dismiss all persons of little value and to transfer to the Cultural Institute the most effective persons or groups in their employment. The most capable persons were to be diverted from the dissemination of propaganda to the collecting of intelligence and to espionage activities.
[658] III, 414.
[659] III, 415.
[660] III, 416.
[661] III, 417.
[662] III, 418.
[144]
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
After this reorganization had taken place, the freezing order had been set in motion by the United States and Japanese authorities, finding it impossible to maintain their elaborate plans, had decided to make temporary reduction in expense funds and salaries.[663] In readjusting their plans, Japanese officials at the New York Consulate had decided to discontinue publication of the Living Age, the Foreign Observer, and the Far Eastern Trade and the Culture on Wheels Library. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire [664]
They also planned to suspend distribution of films through the YMCA office and other agencies as soon as the Japanese contracts had expired, and to discontinue publication of books for propaganda purposes in connection with the World Over Printing Enterprise. The publications, the Orient and the Japanese American, were to be suspended because of the scarcity of funds for employees. Many Japanese employees would be kept on the payrolls although their monthly salaries would be greatly reduced after September.
198. Freezing Order Curtails Japanese Intelligence Activities in America
Readjustments in the Japanese civilian intelligence organizations continued to be the subject of dispatches from Consul Morishima in New York to Tokyo. On September 22, 1941 he said that the following of a more aggressive policy in connection with the Cultural Institute had been impossible because of the freezing of funds. Activities of the Institute had even been curtailed. The Library on Wheels, which had maintained a route hardly worth mentioning would be transferred to the Cultural Institute, and its driver would be dismissed from employment.[666]
200. American Isolationists Oppose President Roosevelt's Speech on Greer Incident[668]
In a press conference on September 5, 1941 President Roosevelt said that the German submarine attack on the U.S.S. Destroyer Greer, on the previous day, was deliberate and that United States warships would eliminate the U-boat once it was tracked down. President Roosevelt said that the attack took place on the American side of the Atlantic while the ship was enroute to Iceland with mail and that the attack occurred in broad daylight. The fact that the destroyer escaped did not minimize the seriousness of the incident.[669]
A report on this speech sent to Tokyo by the Japanese Military Attache in Washington, believed to be Mr. Isoda, disclosed that such staunch isolationists as Colonel Lindbergh and Senators Nye, Gilette and Clark were strongly opposed to the President's attitude. German-American relations, in the future, Japanese officials felt, would depend largely upon Germany's actions, particularly in the Atlantic. Nevertheless, it could not be doubted that this latest incident had increased the chances of American participation in the European war.[670]
On September 11, 1941 President Roosevelt delivered a scathing attack on the methods of Germany and promised that the U.S. Navy would shoot aggressors on sight in the Atlantic.[671]
201. Japanese Intelligence Reports on American Airplane Production
On September 16, 1941 Consul Nakauchi in Los Angeles transmitted to Tokyo a detailed intelligence report concerning American airplane production. Not only were each of the airplane plants named specifically, but the size of orders filled by each plant, the number of
[663] III, 419.
[664] III, 420.
[666] III, 424, 425.
[668] Information in this section did not become available until February 1945. [669] New York Times, September 1941.
[670] III, 426.
[671] III, 427, Facts on File, September 11, 1941.
[145]
employees and the total amount of monthly salaries paid were enumerated as well. The type of craft on order at various plants for the British and American armies was listed. It was estimated by Consul Nakauchi that at least forty per cent of the total orders had been placed in the Los Angeles area, while ten per cent was concentrated in the vicinity of San Diego.[672]
202. Japan Denies Interfering with American Rights
On September 17, 1941 more than a month after Ambassador Nomura had submitted to Tokyo a document from the State Department listing injustices to American citizens in Japanese occupied territory, the Foreign Minister replied that the items in question had been investigated by the departments concerned. Subsequently, such reports of interference or injustices could be clarified as (1) items of misunderstanding for which there was no basis of fact, (2) conditions which, for a time, due to certain circumstances, did exist, but which were now restored to normal and, (3) conditions which, because of the present state of things, still existed, but which Japan was considering restoring to normal as soon as their continuance was no longer necessary.
In referring to the infraction of the right of the Standard Oil Company to draw funds with which to pay its telephone bill, the Foreign Minister said that officials who had administered the freezing order were unaccustomed to the procedure and some inconvenience was experienced in the drawing out of funds. The conditions, however, were gradually being eliminated. In the case of individuals, restrictions had been eased up to make it possible for foreigners to withdraw funds deposited in their own names to the amount of 1,000 yen per month for living and other expenses consistent with this. Ambassador Nomura was to bear these facts in mind when he replied to the United States government.[673]
203. Ambassador Nomura Requests Change in Japanese Broadcasts
Because the 4:30 A.M. Japanese broadcast, as well as the 4:00 to 7:00 A.M. Domei broadcasts could hardly be heard, Ambassador Nomura asked that Tokyo consider changing the wave length. Although the Domei broadcasts had been excellent, by September 18, 1941, they had faded out completely. Furthermore, static had increased on the 8:30 A.M. broadcasts to the point where they could not be understood.[674]
204. Ambassador Nomura Reports on American Lend-Lease Shipments
Meanwhile Ambassador Nomura in Washington had been able to obtain from intelligence sources facts pertaining to the American Lend-Lease Act, which were transmitted by circular to Japanese representatives in London, Rio de Janeiro, Buenos Aires, Berlin and Tokyo. The Ambassador pointed out that out of the original $7,000,000,000, which had been authorized, only $6,200,000,000 had been allotted and as of September 18, 1941 the actual payment had not exceeded $390,000,000.
According to the Japanese Ambassador, some progress had been made in the actual aid given, but what had been accomplished had not measured up to expectations especially for planes, tanks, machine tools, arms and ammunition. Of the amount of defense materials exported, which included arms and ammunition, airplanes and tanks, ships and agricultural products, the greater part had been shipped to England, Central Asia, Africa and the American countries. The reasons advanced by the Japanese Ambassador as to why progress had not come up to expectations was that the production process was still in the stage of development, and there was a shortage of shipping.[675]
[672] III, 428, 429.
[673] III, 430.
[674] III, 431.
[675] III, 432.
[146]
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
205. Freezing Order Creates Financial Difficulties for Japanese Diplomats
Financial difficulties were being experienced by the Japanese Legation staff in the United States as a result of the freezing order. On September 18, 1941 the Japanese Consul in San Francisco informed Ambassador Nomura in Washington of the salaries of himself, of Consul Kazuyoshi Inagaki, Vice-Consul Takahasi, Secretary Kensuke Sato, Secretary Shigero Imai, Secretary Kurata and Interpreter Hasizume. He advised Ambassador Nomura that the San Francisco branch of the Yokohama Specie Bank was handling each of the accounts listed as a separate checking account.[676]
206. Japan Stops Shipping Film to Germany Via America
On September 18, 1941 Consul Morishima in New York advised Tokyo to stop the shipment of Japanese film to Germany via San Francisco and Buenos Aires. Since certain documents which had been discovered by American customs officials in previous shipments had been played up greatly in American movie magazines, it was supposed that American officials would continue to "spite" Japan in this manner.[677]
207. German Attache Discounts Probability of Japanese-American War
The Japanese Military Attache replied to Tokyo on September 20, 1941 that the German Attache in Washington believed that Great Britain would benefit from a Japanese attack on Russia, since it would lessen the danger to British interests further south. Nevertheless, he emphasized that both Great Britain and the United States would feel obligated to continue aid to Russia.[678]
Even though the Japanese Army were to invade the Netherlands East Indies and Singapore, the German Attache said, the United States might be willing to overlook this aggression provided the Japanese military forces did not attack the Philippines nor block America's supply of tin and rubber from Malaya and the Netherlands East Indies. In the event that Japan did control tin and rubber by virtue of its conquests in the southwest Pacific, the German Attache did not support the theory that the United States would immediately begin a devastating commercial war against Japan. He believed that the United States would delay further economic restrictions against Japan so long that they would be ineffective, for in the meantime Japan would have gained control of all the necessary materials of war.[679]
However, in evaluating these opinions of the German Attache, the Japanese Military Attache reminded his superiors that German and Italian officials were noted for being over-optimistic with regard to the Japanese-American situation. Therefore, it would be an unwise military policy for the Japanese government to order a further advance into the south Pacific on the basis of unfounded optimism, which he suspected was deliberately planned to impel Japan into a northern or southern drive. The Japanese official pointed out that in order to ensure a complete supply of war materials from Australia and India, the United States would be forced to augment its power in the Far East. Therefore, any further southward move by the Japanese forces would force the United States to enact some counter-measures. Although the United States might not actually enter in actual warfare with Japan, it was highly probable that the two countries would engage in severe economic warfare.[680]
[676] III, 433.
[677] III, 434.
[678] III, 435.
[679] Ibid.
[680] Ibid.
[147]
208. Japan Estimates the Number of Potential Evacuees from the United States
(a) Report from Los Angeles
On September 22, 1941, in answer to a special dispatch from Tokyo to its Consul in the United States regarding the dispatching of a special vessel to evacuate Japanese nationals. Consul Nakauchi transmitted an estimate of the number of persons who would have to be evacuated from Los Angeles. In this group were four government employees, 300 persons who were unable to finance transportation for themselves, and possibly 40 merchants.[681]
(b) Report from Portland, Oregon
Japanese Consul Oka in Portland, Oregon informed the Japanese Embassy on September 22, 1941 in answer to the questionnaire regarding the evacuation of Japanese nationals, that none under his jurisdiction came under the category of those to be evacuated. Four or five, however, had no objection to being evacuated.[682]
(c) Report from New York
Consul Morishima, in accordance with instructions concerning evacuees and Japanese Nationals, informed Consul Muto in San Francisco on September 24, 1941 that three or four students, a member of the Cultural Institute Director's family, two newspapermen and six railway and Tourist Bureau officials constituted the only group in the New York vicinity who had decided to leave the country at present. When conditions become more critical, however, approximately 160 to 180 businessmen and 30 students hoped to return home. It appeared that evacuation by American steamers was out of the question.[683]
209. Foreign Minister Toyoda Explains Evacuation of Russian Embassy Members
On September 22, 1941 Foreign Minister Toyoda informed Ambassador Nomura in Washington that the Domei report of the evacuation of some fifty members of the Russian Embassy in Tokyo had given the United States the false impression that relations between Moscow and Tokyo were in a critical stage and that a wholesale evacuation was imminent. As a matter of fact, Mr. Toyoda said, all the Russians that had left Tokyo were the Ambassador's wife and children together with several members of the staff. There was nothing extraordinary in these few people quitting the Embassy in Tokyo at this time.[684]
210. Tokyo Learns that NBC Reception of Far Eastern Broadcasts Is on 24-Hour Basis
The establishment of an NBC listening post in North Hollywood for the purpose of listening in on Far Eastern broadcasts was reported by Consul Nakauchi in Los Angeles on September 24, 1941. Six or seven RCA receiving units recorded broadcasts from Japan, China, the Netherlands East Indies, Malay, Thailand and possibly French Indo-China. The receiving station had been established in the private residence of an NBC technician in North Hollywood where five persons, technicians and translators, conducted a continuous listening service. Together with the personnel of the New York receiving station in Bellmore, Long Island, a staff of 22 persons were receiving Far Eastern Broadcasts 24 hours a day.[685]
Listening in on uncensored broadcasts, the Hollywood staff transmitted the information to New York by teletype when it believed the information to be of military value. The reception of
[681] III, 436, 437.
[682] III, 438.
[683] III, 439.
[684] III, 440.
[685] III, 441.
[148]
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
Japanese broadcasts, especially Japanese short wave broadcasts to the South Seas and to various Asiatic coast stations, as well as Manchurian, Chinese, and Palau broadcasts to Japan, were receiving concentrated attention.[686]
211. Consul Morishima Deplores Optimism of Japanese Business Firms.
A word of warning to Japanese firms which were inclined to regard Japanese-American relations with too much optimism was advised by Consul Morishima in a dispatch to Tokyo on September 26, 1941. He pointed out that the Yokohama Specie Bank was using the upward price trend of Japanese securities as indicative of a favorable turn in Japanese-American relations, while the Osaka Steamship Company had advised its branch officials to go ahead and meet their expenses and if they found themselves short, supplementary funds would be sent. The Japanese Consul believed that commercial firms and banks should be advised to await the actual turn of events before proceeding in this manner.[687]
212. Japan Inquires Concerning the Releasing of Funds for Petroleum
Although negotiating with the Chief of Bureau in Charge of Foreign Funds in Washington on September 20, 1941 Japanese officials received no encouragement in solving their problem of getting funds with which to purchase petroleum. To their suggestion that payment be made by money brought in via South America some consideration during the following week was promised, but payment in Japanese money was refused.[688]
An inquiry regarding the question of payment for petroleum was sent from the Chief of the Exchange Bureau to Finance Official Nishiyama in Washington on September 26, 1941. Since Japan found it necessary to hasten this matter it requested that the Finance Official learn the attitude of the United States.[689]
Four days later Finance Attache Nobuo Yamada telegraphed that he was able to learn nothing at all from American officials concerning the matter of money with which to purchase petroleum. It would appear, he said, that the committee was arguing this matter and could reach no decision, although upon his subsequent inquiries, their attitude had appeared more and more unfavorable. The proposal that Japan transfer funds from South America had been made at the committee's suggestion, but when Mr. Yamada had accepted it, they had merely cancelled the plan and proposed another in its place. This, he said, gave them an excuse for further delay and refusals.[690]
213. Ambassador Nomura Asks Tokyo to Allow Americans to Leave Japan
On September 30, 1941 Ambassador Nomura advised that in spite of the fact that it would be impossible to get accommodations for all Japanese and Nisei in the United States to return to Japan, the 140 or 150 Americans in Japan should be given permission to leave. He pointed out that the United States attached a great deal of importance to allowing Americans to leave Japan.[691]
214. Ambassador Nomura Requests Permits for Japanese Deposit Banks in America
An inquiry concerning the procurement of funds was sent to Tokyo by Ambassador Nomura on September 30, 1941. He stated that the deposit banks of the Yokohama Specie Bank should be granted permits rather than the Yokohama Specie Bank itself, and inquired
[686] III, 442.
[687] III, 443.
[688] III, 444.
[689] III, 445.
[690] III, 446-447.
[691] III, 448.
[149]
whether the financial agreement covered these banks. The Yokohama Specie Bank carried accounts in branches which were located at San Francisco, Los Angeles, Honolulu, and Manila.[692]
215. Ambassador Nomura Requests that Cultural Institutions be Exempted from Freezing
Learning that $6,500 in American money, which had been sent by the Philadelphia Christian College to a girl's school in Tokyo had been frozen, Ambassador Nomura suggested to Tokyo on September 30, 1941 that cultural institutions should be allowed to send money freely. If the Japanese Foreign Office could discuss this matter with American representatives in Tokyo, it might be possible to permit remittances between cultural institutions without freezing.[693]
216. Japan Requests Mutual Agreement in Evacuating Nationals and Returning Goods
Ambassador Nomura learned on October 2, 1941 that the sending of ships to evacuate Japanese nationals would be difficult as long as there was no promise by the United States not to detain these vessels by legal claims. Although the commandeering of passenger ships was being considered, Japan wished to avoid this step since such ships would be called evacuation ships. Promising to consider the possibility of sailing permits for Americans, if space permitted, the Foreign Office directed Ambassador Nomura to visit the State Department to make further arrangements.[694]
In case left-over goods were to be shipped from Japan, the United States should arrange for their export and at the same time grant permits to release goods which were to be sent to Japan. If special ships were sent from Japan, they would have to be completely excluded from all legal claims by an arrangement between the two governments.[695] Foreign Minister Toyoda declared that he was exerting every effort to settle this matter and expected Ambassador Nomura also to do his best.[696]
217. Japanese Foreign Minister Cites Instances of American Discrimination
Giving details of instances of alleged discrimination suffered by Japanese in the United States as well as Central and South America,[697] Foreign Minister Toyoda circularized a message to Peking, Tsingtao, Nanking, Shanghai, and Tientsin on October 2, 1941 which was designed to present Japan's viewpoint concerning the treatment of Americans.
During a trip made by Japan's Minister to Mexico, Mr. Yoshioki Miura, and Interpreter Shintaro Fukushima on September 15, 1941 their baggage had been examined by Pan-American Airway officials. Although no sealed documents had been molested, the Japanese officials had been refused permission to board the plane unless they would consent to the examination. Furthermore, Minister Yamagata, returning from Chile, had been informed by Pan American Airways officials of these same rules. When Secretary Terasaki had left Washington for a visit to Port of Spain, Trinidad, the Pan American Airways officials, saying that regulations required the search, had examined his luggage.[698]
Furthermore, when the Heian Maru had left Seattle in August, Japanese passengers had been submitted to physical examination during which both men and women were stripped to their underwear. When the Asama Maru left Los Angeles, also in August, Japanese passengers
[692] III, 449.
[693] III, 450.
[694] III, 451.
[695] III, 452.
[696] III, 453.
[697] See III, Part A, Section 12.
[698] III, 454.
[150]
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
had been stripped of their clothing and submitted to physical examination. However, when Japanese had embarked on the President Taylor at San Francisco and the French liner, the Marshal Joffre, no special physical examination had been given.[699]
The physical examinations, Foreign Minister Toyoda said, might have been made through a misunderstanding of the freezing order and through the fact that there had been a rumor that Japanese ships were carrying away cash in United States dollars. Since an agreement had been made recently between Japan and the United States not to examine the baggage of evacuating diplomats or to require them to submit a list of contents, it was thought unwise to subject Americans withdrawing from South China to physical examinations.[700]
218. Japan Registers Its Nationals in United States for Military Service
Because of the uncertainty of the mails, Consul Nakauchi in Hollywood doubted that all of the Japanese in his jurisdiction who would reach draft age in 1942 would be able to get their registrations in to Tokyo by the established deadline, November 30, 1941. Since these circumstances were beyond his control, he asked on October 2, 1941 that he be advised in this matter.[701]
219. Japan Considers the Supplying of Oil to Russia an "Unfriendly Gesture"
The question of America's supplying petroleum to Russia was the subject of a discussion between the American Consul and a Japanese official in Vladivostok, who asked if America did not consider the supplying of Russia with large quantities of petroleum, which Japan needed, an unfriendly course of action, disregarding the recent petroleum embargo issued by the United States against Japan. The American Consul replied that aid to Russia was the firm and fixed national policy of both England and the United States. Furthermore, only three American tankers, the Fitzsimmons, the Associated and the St. Claire, had arrived at Vladivostok, and the date of arrival of others was uncertain. If the United States should enter the war, American aid to Britain and to Russia would necessarily be diverted to Siberia.[702]
220. Tokyo Requests the Addition of Four Japanese to Government List
Ambassador Nomura was directed by Tokyo to list as government officials, Mr. Goroo Fukuyama, Assistant Professor at the University of Hokkaido, Mr. Shigeru Mishio, Assistant Professor at the Tokyo Imperial University, Mr. Kentaro Shimizu, Assistant Professor of Medicine at Tokyo University, and Mr. Shizuo Kakutani, Assistant Professor at the Osaka Imperial University. The names of Mr. Kuniaichi Yamamoto and Dr. Hayakawa were not listed since they could not be called government officials.[703]
In preparing for the return to Japan of the Chiefs of the Tourist Bureaus and their staffs in New York and Los Angeles, Foreign Minister Toyoda directed that Ambassador Nomura request permits for their living and travel expenses.[704]
221. Consul Sato Requests the Direct Evacuation of Japanese from Vancouver, Seattle and Portland
On October 6, 1941 Consul Sato in Seattle informed Tokyo that the number of Japanese in Seattle, Vancouver and Portland who desired to return to Japan had increased by approximately 400 persons since the evacuation of Japanese businessmen from that area. If an evacuation ship touched port at San Francisco, a difficult situation would be created since territory
[699] III, 455.
[700] III, 456.
[701] III, 457.
[702] III, 458.
[703] III, 459.
[704] Ibid.
[151]
transit permits would have to be secured from American authorities in order that Japanese in Canada might come to San Francisco. Furthermore, they could come into the United States only in a closely guarded train which might be publicized jingoistically by the American press. Consul Sato suggested that not only the Heian Maru but also the Kikawa Maru be dispatched to that port, since the evacuees would probably increase in number and their baggage would exceed the capacity of one ship.[705]
With the plans for sending evacuation ships to the United States still uncertain, the Foreign Office requested that Ambassador Nomura secure a guarantee from the American government regarding the first ship, the Tatsuta Maru, as well as those to follow. Until such a guarantee were obtained, it would be impossible to arrange a fixed schedule. In view of the scarcity of vessels, it seemed improbable that a new schedule could be arranged upon short notice.[706]
Nevertheless, the Japanese discussed the matter again on October 10, 1941 with State Department officials who declared that until the fundamental problem of national relations was adjusted, there was no use trying to reach a settlement of such subsidiary problems.[707]
222. Freezing Order Forces the Evacuation of Many Japanese
Ambassador Nomura was notified by Tokyo on October 6, 1941 that the Yokohama Specie Bank's frozen accounts included all funds held by its deposit banks. Therefore, when appropriate monthly transfers were made from the frozen funds to diplomatic office funds, permits should be granted also to the Yokohama Specie Bank's deposit banks. Since the local National City Bank in Tokyo had virtually exhausted its funds, the Yokohama Specie Bank was considering presenting a proposal through its branch offices in the United States covering the transfer and circulation of Japanese funds in consideration of the transfer of a like sum to the National City Bank in Tokyo. Should the American authorities not agree, Ambassador Nomura was instructed to request of the State Department that definite revisions be made in the regulations then in force.[708]
Although Ambassador Nomura had expected that permits for the office expenses and allowances of Embassies and Consulates would be granted automatically, it appeared that difficulties had arisen. In the future even should there be a basic agreement in regard to reciprocal exemptions from the freezing order, its application would not be a simple affair. Consequently, there appeared to be no other way than to make application for permit for each separate occasion as it arose. It would be necessary to revise the amounts for the so-called government organs and since it would be inexpedient for a delay to occur in the permit for foreign diplomatic establishments and consulates, there was no other way than to have all those whose business had ceased to return to Japan at once. Since it would be impossible to say that members of the Tourist Bureau and students studying in the United States under the Department of Education were government officials, it would be necessary that they be returned to Japan.[709]
223. Consul Morishima Reports on an Anti-Axis Pamphlet
A pamphlet entitled "Hitler Intends To Destroy Japan", written by Alton Pettenkofer under the pseudonym of Else Weil, was the subject of a report from Consul Morishima on October 8, 1941. The pamphlet which was expected to appear in the November issue of the magazine,
[705] III, 460.
[706] III, 461.
[707] III, 462.
[708] III, 463.
[709] III, 464.
[152]
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
Asia, was, according to Consul Morishima, part of the propaganda published by the Committee to Defend America for the purpose of alienating Japan from Germany.[710]
224. Japan Exhibits Interest in American Military Magazines[711]
The General Affairs Section of the Japanese Army exhibited great interest in the organization of America's military forces. On October 8, 1941 the Japanese Embassy in Washington was asked to forward the March, 1941 issue of the Army Directory and also the August issue of the Infantry Journal.[712]
225. Ambassador Nomura Asks Tokyo to Send American Paper Money
On October 9, 1941 Ambassador Nomura notified Tokyo that the money order covering staff salaries for August as well as a notice that September's allotment had been sent by cable had been received, but that permission to cash them had not yet been granted. Having been forced to advance salaries out of secret funds on hand, the Japanese Ambassador estimated that he would need approximately $60,000 to pay salaries and expenses in October, 1941. Although he believed the negotiation involving release of expense money would be successful eventually, he was certain that the difficulties involved in transferring this amount of cash would cause delay. For this reason, Ambassador Nomura asked that the director of the accounting section send by courier, possibly on the Tatsuta Maru, enough American paper money to cover expenses.[713]
On October 16, 1941 Foreign Minister Toyoda directed the Japanese Ambassador in Washington to arrange that the returning Japanese bring as much United States paper money as possible instead of sending their money by means of drafts, since recently there had been an increased demand for United States paper currency.[714]
226. Ambassador Nomura Defends His Report Concerning Rumors in America
In answer to a dispatch from Ambassador Oshima, branding reports of negotiations between Germany and Russia before June, 1941 as false, which Tokyo had forwarded for the information of Japanese representatives in Washington, Ambassador Nomura declared on October 10, 1941 that he had not believed the intelligence concerning the negotiations and for this reason had sent it as a report of secondary importance.
Ambassador Nomura believed that at a time when such events as Hess's flight to England could occur, any report should be investigated from every possible angle. Likewise, he said, it would not seem logical for Germany brazenly to attack Russia without previous negotiations. In the future, should the contents of a spy report have a bearing on Japan or should the facts of a report have to be checked, Ambassador Nomura declared that he would continue to submit this type of intelligence report.[715]
While making arrangements for the remittances to pay for shipments of petroleum, the Japanese Financial Official in Washington learned that the export licenses of the Japanese firms exporting the petroleum had been cancelled. Upon investigation he found that these had actually been cancelled at the time the freezing order was issued, because the American authorities thought that the permits had been issued after the freezing order as a result of an oversight.[716]
[710] III, 465.
[711] Information in this section was not made available until June 1945.
[712] III, 466.
[713] III, 467.
[714] III, 468.
[715] III, 469.
[716] III, 470
185. Japan Suggests That Reciprocal Permits Facilitate Maintenance of American and Japanese Embassies
The Japanese government asked that the United States guarantee, under the principle of reciprocity, that Japanese diplomatic and consulate organizations in the United States be permitted to draw funds for the maintenance of offices and the expenses of personnel.[640]
On August 27, 1941 the Japanese Foreign Minister handed Ambassador Grew in Tokyo a document containing Japan's opinions on this subject, and on the same day a similar document was transmitted to Ambassador Nomura with instructions that he contact the American State Department concerning it. Japan pointed out that by the present reciprocal arrangement effective between Japan, England, Australia, Canada and Holland, it was possible to exclude the Ambassador, Consul, and employees of government offices from the investigations following transactions of foreigners. This agreement did not include public funds, but exempted only personal accounts of consular officials from investigation.
Since the United States did not permit the practice which Japan had accorded to American officials in Tokyo, the Japanese government felt obliged to make certain revisions in the American proposals concerning Japanese funds. Japan desired that the investigation of the actual expenses connected with telegraphic matters, salaries of employees, rents and entertainment expenses be omitted.[641] Furthermore, a permit should not be required for the receipt of money transferred to another official account.
On the other hand, America should grant a permit when Embassy and Consulates and other government offices wished to pay into the Japanese national treasury any balance on hand of current operating expenses and funds arising from the disposal of assets. Moreover, the income received by the consulate and the salaries of the consulate employees should be allowed to be sent to Japan. In regard to the personal living and traveling expenses, the standard set was to be 1500 yen a month in Japan and $500.00 a month in America. Permits for established salaries were to be issued reciprocally for the payment of both the Japanese and American Ambassadors, their Financial Attaches, Military and Naval Attaches, and Embassy secretaries.[642]
If any circumstances rendered necessary a greater amount than that already agreed upon, either the American or Japanese Ambassador, as the case might be, was to apply for a separate permit upon each occasion. After a list of the Japanese employees above the rank of clerk was furnished to the State Department by the Japanese Embassy in Washington, the American government was to grant the Yokohama Specie Bank a general permit covering the payment of salaries to these employees by the Japanese Foreign Office. If the expenses remitted through the Yokohama Specie Bank exceeded the $500.00 per month limit, the United States government was to grant a permit for the additional funds immediately upon the request of the Japanese Embassy.[643]
When Ambassador Nomura presented this memorandum from his government, he expressed the opinion that although the present arrangement would be effective only in the Japanese Empire and the United States respectively, it should be extended even further. If America facilitated the clearing of dollar remittances to Japanese offices and employees in South America and Europe as well, the Japanese Ambassador promised to recommend that the Manchurian and Nanking governments accord similar privileges to American offices in that area.[644]
[640] III, 376.
[641] III, 403.
[642] Ibid.
[643] Ibid.
[644] Ibid.
[141]
186. Japan Sets Date for Evacuation of American Missionaries
On September 2, 1941 the Governor-General's Office in Korea announced that in view of the fact that all thirteen of the American missionaries had consented to evacuate, all pending litigation would be dismissed and the missionaries would sail to Shanghai on Japanese vessels. Departing from Japan on ships leaving on August 26 and September 16, 1941, they would transfer at Shanghai to American vessels for the trip to the United States.[645]
187. Japan Opposes American Aid Sent to Russia Via Vladivostok[646]
On September 4, 1941 the Japanese Military Attache made another report on American aid being sent to Russia via Vladivostok. In his opinion the American public did not support aid to Russia so wholeheartedly as that to China. Therefore, he believed that Tokyo could openly oppose the routing of American tankers to Russia.[647]
If it were emphasized that the Japanese Navy held maneuvers in that area, and if at the same time the sinking of the Terukuni Maru in those mined waters was recalled, the Japanese Military Attache believed that American supplies to Russia would be rerouted in the future. At the same time, however, he emphasized that the Japanese government should not put too much pressure upon American officials, otherwise a commercial war might commence which would result finally in the complete economic destruction of the Japanese Empire.[648]
188. Japanese Finance Minister Attempts to Avoid Petroleum Sales Restrictions
On September 4, 1941 a Japanese official in Washington reported to the Minister of Finance in Tokyo concerning the problem of obtaining funds with which to purchase petroleum from the United States. According to this official's opinion, diplomatic relations between Japan and the United States must inevitably become more favorable, for if the situation were allowed to become worse, trade between Japan and South America would greatly suffer and any attempts of the Japanese to preserve their deposits there would be thwarted. On the other hand, if the situation improved, Japanese officials could send money from the United States to South America. To secure the necessary petroleum, therefore, it would be advantageous if the Japanese government heeded America's current demands so that means of paying for any petroleum purchases could be devised by Japan.[649] Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
The finance officer promised to discuss the problem with the American State and Treasury Departments and the Foreign Fund Control Board. After the United States had put into effect the freezing measures against Japan, the Japanese government had sent funds to South America for the purchase of certain goods. In view of this the finance officer suggested that in the future a portion of these funds should be used to pay for United States exports and, particularly, in the purchase of petroleum. Any other money in gold accumulated in other countries was also to be used for this purpose, though it would be necessary to secure permits beforehand from the Exchange Control Organization in each country.[650]
The Japanese official pointed out that the United States could effect a freezing of funds in related banks in order to impair Japan's South American policy, though such action had been delayed by the United States because of the Japanese-American negotiations. In order, therefore, to lessen the ill effects which the South American countries would suffer if the United States froze Japanese funds in their banks, the Japanese finance officer again urged Tokyo to make certain concessions to America's demands.[651]
[645] III, 404.
[646] Information in this section did not become available until January 1945.
[647] III, 405.
[648] Ibid.
[649] III, 406.
[650] Ibid.
[651] III, 407.
[142]
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
189. Ambassador Nomura Informs Tokyo of Transfer of Funds
Referring to his previous message to Tokyo regarding funds on hand in Washington, Ambassador Nomura declared on September 4, 1941 that the $20,606.47 which he had been holding for the New York Consulate would be transferred to that office.[652]
On September 5, 1941 the Japanese Ambassador was asked to send $5000 from the special secret funds held by the Counselor to a Japanese resident in Cuba for emergency use. The actual disbursement of these funds, however, was to be made only upon orders from Foreign Minister Toyoda.[653]
190. Mr. Terasaki Plans to Confer with "America First" Committee
For the purpose of making secret contacts with members of the "America First" Committee, Ambassador Nomura asked Tokyo on September 6, 1941 to authorize Secretary Hidenari Terasaki to make an official visit to Chicago. Since Mr. Terasaki had been unable to make an official tour to Los Angeles and San Francisco, it was requested also that he be permitted at this time to stop off at San Francisco, Seattle and Los Angeles.[654]
191. Japan Keeps in Touch with Its Nationals in America
Arrangements were made on September 6, 1941 to have Mr. Ryukichi Watanabe attend memorial services in honor of his son, Mr. Junichi Watanabe and others, which was to be held from October 15 to 21 inclusive at the Yasukuni Shrine in New York. Since the name of the deceased was not to be made public until the end of September, Mr. Watanabe's invitation to the memorial services was to be extended to him confidentially.[655]
192. Arrest of Japanese in Possession of Illegal Passports
Tokyo learned on September 6, 1941 from Consul Nakauchi in Hollywood that local immigration officers had arrested Japanese who were in possession of illegal passports. Approximately 100 persons had been taken into custody in California. Since it appeared that "this sort of round-up" would be carried on in the future as well, Mr. Nakauchi declared that when boats became available approximately half of these persons would be given the opportunity to return home.[656]
193. Japanese Officials Leave for Japan (September 9, 1941)
Other Japanese returning to Tokyo at this time included Couriers Kuga, Watanabe and Tachi; Mr. Zozo Nishina, an engineer; Mr. Nakajima, former Manchurian Railroad Director; Mr. Hase, Diet Member; Mr. Kiyohara, Secretary of the Ministry of Justice; Messrs. Kuge and Ito, officials of the Home Ministry; Professors Hamada and Tanabe; Mr. Satsuma, Chief Editor of the Kokumin newspaper, and two others. This group had left San Francisco on the President Taylor on September 9, 1941 en route to Shanghai whence reservations to Japan had been requested.[657]
194. Japanese Speculations Continue Regarding Myron Taylor's Return to Vatican
After a year's absence, Mr. Myron Taylor, President Roosevelt's personal emissary to the Vatican, returned to his post on September 9, 1941. Various rumors arose concerning his mis-
[652] III, 408.
[653] III, 409.
[654] III, 410.
[635] III, 411.
[656] III, 412.
[657] III, 413.
[143]
sion. According to one representative, Mr. Taylor had been ordered to request that the Vatican mediate the settlement of the Far Eastern question between Japan and the United States. Another report indicated that, in view of the new alliance between Great Britain, the United States and Soviet Russia, Mr. Taylor was to discuss the anti-Bolshevik propaganda instigated by Catholics.
Other speculations included the discussion by Mr. Taylor of problems affecting Catholics and Catholic missions throughout the territories of the Far East under the control of the United States and Great Britain, as well as the theory that Mr. Taylor had brought a peace proposal for the Pope's opinion. In the opinion of Japanese officials stationed in Rome, however, Mr. Taylor had not been entrusted with any particular mission. In view of the present delicate international situation they believed Mr. Taylor's assignment to be a gesture designated by President Roosevelt for the purpose of spreading good-will among the Catholics in the United States, Central and South America and in Europe.[658]
195. Mr. Myron Taylor Sees Possibility of Russo-German Peace Move
On September 10, 1941, the conversation of Mr. Taylor with the American Ambassador to France, Admiral William Leahy, and the American Ambassador to Spain, Alexander Weddell was reported from Barcelona by Japanese Consul Suma. Mr. Taylor believed that America's participation in the war at the present time was unlikely unless a major incident developed, or it became necessary to combat German-Russian peace moves. While Stalin questioned the motivation of British and American aid to Russia, he greatly feared the collapse of the Russian regime and at times it was thought that he planned to make peace with Germany. Depending upon the terms offered, Stalin might accede.[659] As far as the United States was concerned, it was anxious to avoid waging a war in the Pacific and the Atlantic at the same time. Although the United States would make no clear commitment in view of the consequences if Japan remained in the Axis, the American authorities would ensure that conversations between the two countries were not discontinued. If Japan broke with the Axis, the United States was ready to make "sizable concessions."[660]
Although the moving of English troops to Malay pointed to the opening of a joint British-American campaign, it was believed that the United States was unlikely to go as far as rendering "military assistance" until its relationship with Japan was more clearly defined.[661]
196. Japan Changes Military Attaches in United States
Foreign Minister Toyoda, on September 10, 1941 informed Ambassador Nomura that Major Hotsue Ishikawa who was already in the United States, had been appointed Assistant Military Attache, replacing Lt. Col. Toshkizu Suzuki.[662]
197. Freezing Order Necessitates Reorganization of Japanese Intelligence Activities
Japanese espionage and intelligence organizations in the United States were affected by the freezing of Japanese assets. Consul Morishima in New York advised Tokyo on September 12, 1941 that even before the freezing legislation it had been decided to dismiss all persons of little value and to transfer to the Cultural Institute the most effective persons or groups in their employment. The most capable persons were to be diverted from the dissemination of propaganda to the collecting of intelligence and to espionage activities.
[658] III, 414.
[659] III, 415.
[660] III, 416.
[661] III, 417.
[662] III, 418.
[144]
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
After this reorganization had taken place, the freezing order had been set in motion by the United States and Japanese authorities, finding it impossible to maintain their elaborate plans, had decided to make temporary reduction in expense funds and salaries.[663] In readjusting their plans, Japanese officials at the New York Consulate had decided to discontinue publication of the Living Age, the Foreign Observer, and the Far Eastern Trade and the Culture on Wheels Library. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire [664]
They also planned to suspend distribution of films through the YMCA office and other agencies as soon as the Japanese contracts had expired, and to discontinue publication of books for propaganda purposes in connection with the World Over Printing Enterprise. The publications, the Orient and the Japanese American, were to be suspended because of the scarcity of funds for employees. Many Japanese employees would be kept on the payrolls although their monthly salaries would be greatly reduced after September.
198. Freezing Order Curtails Japanese Intelligence Activities in America
Readjustments in the Japanese civilian intelligence organizations continued to be the subject of dispatches from Consul Morishima in New York to Tokyo. On September 22, 1941 he said that the following of a more aggressive policy in connection with the Cultural Institute had been impossible because of the freezing of funds. Activities of the Institute had even been curtailed. The Library on Wheels, which had maintained a route hardly worth mentioning would be transferred to the Cultural Institute, and its driver would be dismissed from employment.[666]
200. American Isolationists Oppose President Roosevelt's Speech on Greer Incident[668]
In a press conference on September 5, 1941 President Roosevelt said that the German submarine attack on the U.S.S. Destroyer Greer, on the previous day, was deliberate and that United States warships would eliminate the U-boat once it was tracked down. President Roosevelt said that the attack took place on the American side of the Atlantic while the ship was enroute to Iceland with mail and that the attack occurred in broad daylight. The fact that the destroyer escaped did not minimize the seriousness of the incident.[669]
A report on this speech sent to Tokyo by the Japanese Military Attache in Washington, believed to be Mr. Isoda, disclosed that such staunch isolationists as Colonel Lindbergh and Senators Nye, Gilette and Clark were strongly opposed to the President's attitude. German-American relations, in the future, Japanese officials felt, would depend largely upon Germany's actions, particularly in the Atlantic. Nevertheless, it could not be doubted that this latest incident had increased the chances of American participation in the European war.[670]
On September 11, 1941 President Roosevelt delivered a scathing attack on the methods of Germany and promised that the U.S. Navy would shoot aggressors on sight in the Atlantic.[671]
201. Japanese Intelligence Reports on American Airplane Production
On September 16, 1941 Consul Nakauchi in Los Angeles transmitted to Tokyo a detailed intelligence report concerning American airplane production. Not only were each of the airplane plants named specifically, but the size of orders filled by each plant, the number of
[663] III, 419.
[664] III, 420.
[666] III, 424, 425.
[668] Information in this section did not become available until February 1945. [669] New York Times, September 1941.
[670] III, 426.
[671] III, 427, Facts on File, September 11, 1941.
[145]
employees and the total amount of monthly salaries paid were enumerated as well. The type of craft on order at various plants for the British and American armies was listed. It was estimated by Consul Nakauchi that at least forty per cent of the total orders had been placed in the Los Angeles area, while ten per cent was concentrated in the vicinity of San Diego.[672]
202. Japan Denies Interfering with American Rights
On September 17, 1941 more than a month after Ambassador Nomura had submitted to Tokyo a document from the State Department listing injustices to American citizens in Japanese occupied territory, the Foreign Minister replied that the items in question had been investigated by the departments concerned. Subsequently, such reports of interference or injustices could be clarified as (1) items of misunderstanding for which there was no basis of fact, (2) conditions which, for a time, due to certain circumstances, did exist, but which were now restored to normal and, (3) conditions which, because of the present state of things, still existed, but which Japan was considering restoring to normal as soon as their continuance was no longer necessary.
In referring to the infraction of the right of the Standard Oil Company to draw funds with which to pay its telephone bill, the Foreign Minister said that officials who had administered the freezing order were unaccustomed to the procedure and some inconvenience was experienced in the drawing out of funds. The conditions, however, were gradually being eliminated. In the case of individuals, restrictions had been eased up to make it possible for foreigners to withdraw funds deposited in their own names to the amount of 1,000 yen per month for living and other expenses consistent with this. Ambassador Nomura was to bear these facts in mind when he replied to the United States government.[673]
203. Ambassador Nomura Requests Change in Japanese Broadcasts
Because the 4:30 A.M. Japanese broadcast, as well as the 4:00 to 7:00 A.M. Domei broadcasts could hardly be heard, Ambassador Nomura asked that Tokyo consider changing the wave length. Although the Domei broadcasts had been excellent, by September 18, 1941, they had faded out completely. Furthermore, static had increased on the 8:30 A.M. broadcasts to the point where they could not be understood.[674]
204. Ambassador Nomura Reports on American Lend-Lease Shipments
Meanwhile Ambassador Nomura in Washington had been able to obtain from intelligence sources facts pertaining to the American Lend-Lease Act, which were transmitted by circular to Japanese representatives in London, Rio de Janeiro, Buenos Aires, Berlin and Tokyo. The Ambassador pointed out that out of the original $7,000,000,000, which had been authorized, only $6,200,000,000 had been allotted and as of September 18, 1941 the actual payment had not exceeded $390,000,000.
According to the Japanese Ambassador, some progress had been made in the actual aid given, but what had been accomplished had not measured up to expectations especially for planes, tanks, machine tools, arms and ammunition. Of the amount of defense materials exported, which included arms and ammunition, airplanes and tanks, ships and agricultural products, the greater part had been shipped to England, Central Asia, Africa and the American countries. The reasons advanced by the Japanese Ambassador as to why progress had not come up to expectations was that the production process was still in the stage of development, and there was a shortage of shipping.[675]
[672] III, 428, 429.
[673] III, 430.
[674] III, 431.
[675] III, 432.
[146]
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
205. Freezing Order Creates Financial Difficulties for Japanese Diplomats
Financial difficulties were being experienced by the Japanese Legation staff in the United States as a result of the freezing order. On September 18, 1941 the Japanese Consul in San Francisco informed Ambassador Nomura in Washington of the salaries of himself, of Consul Kazuyoshi Inagaki, Vice-Consul Takahasi, Secretary Kensuke Sato, Secretary Shigero Imai, Secretary Kurata and Interpreter Hasizume. He advised Ambassador Nomura that the San Francisco branch of the Yokohama Specie Bank was handling each of the accounts listed as a separate checking account.[676]
206. Japan Stops Shipping Film to Germany Via America
On September 18, 1941 Consul Morishima in New York advised Tokyo to stop the shipment of Japanese film to Germany via San Francisco and Buenos Aires. Since certain documents which had been discovered by American customs officials in previous shipments had been played up greatly in American movie magazines, it was supposed that American officials would continue to "spite" Japan in this manner.[677]
207. German Attache Discounts Probability of Japanese-American War
The Japanese Military Attache replied to Tokyo on September 20, 1941 that the German Attache in Washington believed that Great Britain would benefit from a Japanese attack on Russia, since it would lessen the danger to British interests further south. Nevertheless, he emphasized that both Great Britain and the United States would feel obligated to continue aid to Russia.[678]
Even though the Japanese Army were to invade the Netherlands East Indies and Singapore, the German Attache said, the United States might be willing to overlook this aggression provided the Japanese military forces did not attack the Philippines nor block America's supply of tin and rubber from Malaya and the Netherlands East Indies. In the event that Japan did control tin and rubber by virtue of its conquests in the southwest Pacific, the German Attache did not support the theory that the United States would immediately begin a devastating commercial war against Japan. He believed that the United States would delay further economic restrictions against Japan so long that they would be ineffective, for in the meantime Japan would have gained control of all the necessary materials of war.[679]
However, in evaluating these opinions of the German Attache, the Japanese Military Attache reminded his superiors that German and Italian officials were noted for being over-optimistic with regard to the Japanese-American situation. Therefore, it would be an unwise military policy for the Japanese government to order a further advance into the south Pacific on the basis of unfounded optimism, which he suspected was deliberately planned to impel Japan into a northern or southern drive. The Japanese official pointed out that in order to ensure a complete supply of war materials from Australia and India, the United States would be forced to augment its power in the Far East. Therefore, any further southward move by the Japanese forces would force the United States to enact some counter-measures. Although the United States might not actually enter in actual warfare with Japan, it was highly probable that the two countries would engage in severe economic warfare.[680]
[676] III, 433.
[677] III, 434.
[678] III, 435.
[679] Ibid.
[680] Ibid.
[147]
208. Japan Estimates the Number of Potential Evacuees from the United States
(a) Report from Los Angeles
On September 22, 1941, in answer to a special dispatch from Tokyo to its Consul in the United States regarding the dispatching of a special vessel to evacuate Japanese nationals. Consul Nakauchi transmitted an estimate of the number of persons who would have to be evacuated from Los Angeles. In this group were four government employees, 300 persons who were unable to finance transportation for themselves, and possibly 40 merchants.[681]
(b) Report from Portland, Oregon
Japanese Consul Oka in Portland, Oregon informed the Japanese Embassy on September 22, 1941 in answer to the questionnaire regarding the evacuation of Japanese nationals, that none under his jurisdiction came under the category of those to be evacuated. Four or five, however, had no objection to being evacuated.[682]
(c) Report from New York
Consul Morishima, in accordance with instructions concerning evacuees and Japanese Nationals, informed Consul Muto in San Francisco on September 24, 1941 that three or four students, a member of the Cultural Institute Director's family, two newspapermen and six railway and Tourist Bureau officials constituted the only group in the New York vicinity who had decided to leave the country at present. When conditions become more critical, however, approximately 160 to 180 businessmen and 30 students hoped to return home. It appeared that evacuation by American steamers was out of the question.[683]
209. Foreign Minister Toyoda Explains Evacuation of Russian Embassy Members
On September 22, 1941 Foreign Minister Toyoda informed Ambassador Nomura in Washington that the Domei report of the evacuation of some fifty members of the Russian Embassy in Tokyo had given the United States the false impression that relations between Moscow and Tokyo were in a critical stage and that a wholesale evacuation was imminent. As a matter of fact, Mr. Toyoda said, all the Russians that had left Tokyo were the Ambassador's wife and children together with several members of the staff. There was nothing extraordinary in these few people quitting the Embassy in Tokyo at this time.[684]
210. Tokyo Learns that NBC Reception of Far Eastern Broadcasts Is on 24-Hour Basis
The establishment of an NBC listening post in North Hollywood for the purpose of listening in on Far Eastern broadcasts was reported by Consul Nakauchi in Los Angeles on September 24, 1941. Six or seven RCA receiving units recorded broadcasts from Japan, China, the Netherlands East Indies, Malay, Thailand and possibly French Indo-China. The receiving station had been established in the private residence of an NBC technician in North Hollywood where five persons, technicians and translators, conducted a continuous listening service. Together with the personnel of the New York receiving station in Bellmore, Long Island, a staff of 22 persons were receiving Far Eastern Broadcasts 24 hours a day.[685]
Listening in on uncensored broadcasts, the Hollywood staff transmitted the information to New York by teletype when it believed the information to be of military value. The reception of
[681] III, 436, 437.
[682] III, 438.
[683] III, 439.
[684] III, 440.
[685] III, 441.
[148]
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
Japanese broadcasts, especially Japanese short wave broadcasts to the South Seas and to various Asiatic coast stations, as well as Manchurian, Chinese, and Palau broadcasts to Japan, were receiving concentrated attention.[686]
211. Consul Morishima Deplores Optimism of Japanese Business Firms.
A word of warning to Japanese firms which were inclined to regard Japanese-American relations with too much optimism was advised by Consul Morishima in a dispatch to Tokyo on September 26, 1941. He pointed out that the Yokohama Specie Bank was using the upward price trend of Japanese securities as indicative of a favorable turn in Japanese-American relations, while the Osaka Steamship Company had advised its branch officials to go ahead and meet their expenses and if they found themselves short, supplementary funds would be sent. The Japanese Consul believed that commercial firms and banks should be advised to await the actual turn of events before proceeding in this manner.[687]
212. Japan Inquires Concerning the Releasing of Funds for Petroleum
Although negotiating with the Chief of Bureau in Charge of Foreign Funds in Washington on September 20, 1941 Japanese officials received no encouragement in solving their problem of getting funds with which to purchase petroleum. To their suggestion that payment be made by money brought in via South America some consideration during the following week was promised, but payment in Japanese money was refused.[688]
An inquiry regarding the question of payment for petroleum was sent from the Chief of the Exchange Bureau to Finance Official Nishiyama in Washington on September 26, 1941. Since Japan found it necessary to hasten this matter it requested that the Finance Official learn the attitude of the United States.[689]
Four days later Finance Attache Nobuo Yamada telegraphed that he was able to learn nothing at all from American officials concerning the matter of money with which to purchase petroleum. It would appear, he said, that the committee was arguing this matter and could reach no decision, although upon his subsequent inquiries, their attitude had appeared more and more unfavorable. The proposal that Japan transfer funds from South America had been made at the committee's suggestion, but when Mr. Yamada had accepted it, they had merely cancelled the plan and proposed another in its place. This, he said, gave them an excuse for further delay and refusals.[690]
213. Ambassador Nomura Asks Tokyo to Allow Americans to Leave Japan
On September 30, 1941 Ambassador Nomura advised that in spite of the fact that it would be impossible to get accommodations for all Japanese and Nisei in the United States to return to Japan, the 140 or 150 Americans in Japan should be given permission to leave. He pointed out that the United States attached a great deal of importance to allowing Americans to leave Japan.[691]
214. Ambassador Nomura Requests Permits for Japanese Deposit Banks in America
An inquiry concerning the procurement of funds was sent to Tokyo by Ambassador Nomura on September 30, 1941. He stated that the deposit banks of the Yokohama Specie Bank should be granted permits rather than the Yokohama Specie Bank itself, and inquired
[686] III, 442.
[687] III, 443.
[688] III, 444.
[689] III, 445.
[690] III, 446-447.
[691] III, 448.
[149]
whether the financial agreement covered these banks. The Yokohama Specie Bank carried accounts in branches which were located at San Francisco, Los Angeles, Honolulu, and Manila.[692]
215. Ambassador Nomura Requests that Cultural Institutions be Exempted from Freezing
Learning that $6,500 in American money, which had been sent by the Philadelphia Christian College to a girl's school in Tokyo had been frozen, Ambassador Nomura suggested to Tokyo on September 30, 1941 that cultural institutions should be allowed to send money freely. If the Japanese Foreign Office could discuss this matter with American representatives in Tokyo, it might be possible to permit remittances between cultural institutions without freezing.[693]
216. Japan Requests Mutual Agreement in Evacuating Nationals and Returning Goods
Ambassador Nomura learned on October 2, 1941 that the sending of ships to evacuate Japanese nationals would be difficult as long as there was no promise by the United States not to detain these vessels by legal claims. Although the commandeering of passenger ships was being considered, Japan wished to avoid this step since such ships would be called evacuation ships. Promising to consider the possibility of sailing permits for Americans, if space permitted, the Foreign Office directed Ambassador Nomura to visit the State Department to make further arrangements.[694]
In case left-over goods were to be shipped from Japan, the United States should arrange for their export and at the same time grant permits to release goods which were to be sent to Japan. If special ships were sent from Japan, they would have to be completely excluded from all legal claims by an arrangement between the two governments.[695] Foreign Minister Toyoda declared that he was exerting every effort to settle this matter and expected Ambassador Nomura also to do his best.[696]
217. Japanese Foreign Minister Cites Instances of American Discrimination
Giving details of instances of alleged discrimination suffered by Japanese in the United States as well as Central and South America,[697] Foreign Minister Toyoda circularized a message to Peking, Tsingtao, Nanking, Shanghai, and Tientsin on October 2, 1941 which was designed to present Japan's viewpoint concerning the treatment of Americans.
During a trip made by Japan's Minister to Mexico, Mr. Yoshioki Miura, and Interpreter Shintaro Fukushima on September 15, 1941 their baggage had been examined by Pan-American Airway officials. Although no sealed documents had been molested, the Japanese officials had been refused permission to board the plane unless they would consent to the examination. Furthermore, Minister Yamagata, returning from Chile, had been informed by Pan American Airways officials of these same rules. When Secretary Terasaki had left Washington for a visit to Port of Spain, Trinidad, the Pan American Airways officials, saying that regulations required the search, had examined his luggage.[698]
Furthermore, when the Heian Maru had left Seattle in August, Japanese passengers had been submitted to physical examination during which both men and women were stripped to their underwear. When the Asama Maru left Los Angeles, also in August, Japanese passengers
[692] III, 449.
[693] III, 450.
[694] III, 451.
[695] III, 452.
[696] III, 453.
[697] See III, Part A, Section 12.
[698] III, 454.
[150]
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
had been stripped of their clothing and submitted to physical examination. However, when Japanese had embarked on the President Taylor at San Francisco and the French liner, the Marshal Joffre, no special physical examination had been given.[699]
The physical examinations, Foreign Minister Toyoda said, might have been made through a misunderstanding of the freezing order and through the fact that there had been a rumor that Japanese ships were carrying away cash in United States dollars. Since an agreement had been made recently between Japan and the United States not to examine the baggage of evacuating diplomats or to require them to submit a list of contents, it was thought unwise to subject Americans withdrawing from South China to physical examinations.[700]
218. Japan Registers Its Nationals in United States for Military Service
Because of the uncertainty of the mails, Consul Nakauchi in Hollywood doubted that all of the Japanese in his jurisdiction who would reach draft age in 1942 would be able to get their registrations in to Tokyo by the established deadline, November 30, 1941. Since these circumstances were beyond his control, he asked on October 2, 1941 that he be advised in this matter.[701]
219. Japan Considers the Supplying of Oil to Russia an "Unfriendly Gesture"
The question of America's supplying petroleum to Russia was the subject of a discussion between the American Consul and a Japanese official in Vladivostok, who asked if America did not consider the supplying of Russia with large quantities of petroleum, which Japan needed, an unfriendly course of action, disregarding the recent petroleum embargo issued by the United States against Japan. The American Consul replied that aid to Russia was the firm and fixed national policy of both England and the United States. Furthermore, only three American tankers, the Fitzsimmons, the Associated and the St. Claire, had arrived at Vladivostok, and the date of arrival of others was uncertain. If the United States should enter the war, American aid to Britain and to Russia would necessarily be diverted to Siberia.[702]
220. Tokyo Requests the Addition of Four Japanese to Government List
Ambassador Nomura was directed by Tokyo to list as government officials, Mr. Goroo Fukuyama, Assistant Professor at the University of Hokkaido, Mr. Shigeru Mishio, Assistant Professor at the Tokyo Imperial University, Mr. Kentaro Shimizu, Assistant Professor of Medicine at Tokyo University, and Mr. Shizuo Kakutani, Assistant Professor at the Osaka Imperial University. The names of Mr. Kuniaichi Yamamoto and Dr. Hayakawa were not listed since they could not be called government officials.[703]
In preparing for the return to Japan of the Chiefs of the Tourist Bureaus and their staffs in New York and Los Angeles, Foreign Minister Toyoda directed that Ambassador Nomura request permits for their living and travel expenses.[704]
221. Consul Sato Requests the Direct Evacuation of Japanese from Vancouver, Seattle and Portland
On October 6, 1941 Consul Sato in Seattle informed Tokyo that the number of Japanese in Seattle, Vancouver and Portland who desired to return to Japan had increased by approximately 400 persons since the evacuation of Japanese businessmen from that area. If an evacuation ship touched port at San Francisco, a difficult situation would be created since territory
[699] III, 455.
[700] III, 456.
[701] III, 457.
[702] III, 458.
[703] III, 459.
[704] Ibid.
[151]
transit permits would have to be secured from American authorities in order that Japanese in Canada might come to San Francisco. Furthermore, they could come into the United States only in a closely guarded train which might be publicized jingoistically by the American press. Consul Sato suggested that not only the Heian Maru but also the Kikawa Maru be dispatched to that port, since the evacuees would probably increase in number and their baggage would exceed the capacity of one ship.[705]
With the plans for sending evacuation ships to the United States still uncertain, the Foreign Office requested that Ambassador Nomura secure a guarantee from the American government regarding the first ship, the Tatsuta Maru, as well as those to follow. Until such a guarantee were obtained, it would be impossible to arrange a fixed schedule. In view of the scarcity of vessels, it seemed improbable that a new schedule could be arranged upon short notice.[706]
Nevertheless, the Japanese discussed the matter again on October 10, 1941 with State Department officials who declared that until the fundamental problem of national relations was adjusted, there was no use trying to reach a settlement of such subsidiary problems.[707]
222. Freezing Order Forces the Evacuation of Many Japanese
Ambassador Nomura was notified by Tokyo on October 6, 1941 that the Yokohama Specie Bank's frozen accounts included all funds held by its deposit banks. Therefore, when appropriate monthly transfers were made from the frozen funds to diplomatic office funds, permits should be granted also to the Yokohama Specie Bank's deposit banks. Since the local National City Bank in Tokyo had virtually exhausted its funds, the Yokohama Specie Bank was considering presenting a proposal through its branch offices in the United States covering the transfer and circulation of Japanese funds in consideration of the transfer of a like sum to the National City Bank in Tokyo. Should the American authorities not agree, Ambassador Nomura was instructed to request of the State Department that definite revisions be made in the regulations then in force.[708]
Although Ambassador Nomura had expected that permits for the office expenses and allowances of Embassies and Consulates would be granted automatically, it appeared that difficulties had arisen. In the future even should there be a basic agreement in regard to reciprocal exemptions from the freezing order, its application would not be a simple affair. Consequently, there appeared to be no other way than to make application for permit for each separate occasion as it arose. It would be necessary to revise the amounts for the so-called government organs and since it would be inexpedient for a delay to occur in the permit for foreign diplomatic establishments and consulates, there was no other way than to have all those whose business had ceased to return to Japan at once. Since it would be impossible to say that members of the Tourist Bureau and students studying in the United States under the Department of Education were government officials, it would be necessary that they be returned to Japan.[709]
223. Consul Morishima Reports on an Anti-Axis Pamphlet
A pamphlet entitled "Hitler Intends To Destroy Japan", written by Alton Pettenkofer under the pseudonym of Else Weil, was the subject of a report from Consul Morishima on October 8, 1941. The pamphlet which was expected to appear in the November issue of the magazine,
[705] III, 460.
[706] III, 461.
[707] III, 462.
[708] III, 463.
[709] III, 464.
[152]
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
Asia, was, according to Consul Morishima, part of the propaganda published by the Committee to Defend America for the purpose of alienating Japan from Germany.[710]
224. Japan Exhibits Interest in American Military Magazines[711]
The General Affairs Section of the Japanese Army exhibited great interest in the organization of America's military forces. On October 8, 1941 the Japanese Embassy in Washington was asked to forward the March, 1941 issue of the Army Directory and also the August issue of the Infantry Journal.[712]
225. Ambassador Nomura Asks Tokyo to Send American Paper Money
On October 9, 1941 Ambassador Nomura notified Tokyo that the money order covering staff salaries for August as well as a notice that September's allotment had been sent by cable had been received, but that permission to cash them had not yet been granted. Having been forced to advance salaries out of secret funds on hand, the Japanese Ambassador estimated that he would need approximately $60,000 to pay salaries and expenses in October, 1941. Although he believed the negotiation involving release of expense money would be successful eventually, he was certain that the difficulties involved in transferring this amount of cash would cause delay. For this reason, Ambassador Nomura asked that the director of the accounting section send by courier, possibly on the Tatsuta Maru, enough American paper money to cover expenses.[713]
On October 16, 1941 Foreign Minister Toyoda directed the Japanese Ambassador in Washington to arrange that the returning Japanese bring as much United States paper money as possible instead of sending their money by means of drafts, since recently there had been an increased demand for United States paper currency.[714]
226. Ambassador Nomura Defends His Report Concerning Rumors in America
In answer to a dispatch from Ambassador Oshima, branding reports of negotiations between Germany and Russia before June, 1941 as false, which Tokyo had forwarded for the information of Japanese representatives in Washington, Ambassador Nomura declared on October 10, 1941 that he had not believed the intelligence concerning the negotiations and for this reason had sent it as a report of secondary importance.
Ambassador Nomura believed that at a time when such events as Hess's flight to England could occur, any report should be investigated from every possible angle. Likewise, he said, it would not seem logical for Germany brazenly to attack Russia without previous negotiations. In the future, should the contents of a spy report have a bearing on Japan or should the facts of a report have to be checked, Ambassador Nomura declared that he would continue to submit this type of intelligence report.[715]
While making arrangements for the remittances to pay for shipments of petroleum, the Japanese Financial Official in Washington learned that the export licenses of the Japanese firms exporting the petroleum had been cancelled. Upon investigation he found that these had actually been cancelled at the time the freezing order was issued, because the American authorities thought that the permits had been issued after the freezing order as a result of an oversight.[716]
[710] III, 465.
[711] Information in this section was not made available until June 1945.
[712] III, 466.
[713] III, 467.
[714] III, 468.
[715] III, 469.
[716] III, 470
Wednesday, May 20, 2009
T cells 7.cel.887654 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
Researchers may have found a way to give HIV the finger.
Removing immune system cells from mice and treating those cells with a custom protein called a zinc-finger nuclease in the lab made the cells resistant to HIV infection, scientists report online and in an upcoming Nature Biotechnology.
Injecting those cells back into the animals kept their viral load limited to less than one-tenth that in untreated mice and resulted in higher T cell counts among the treated animals. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire The technique could eventually provide a novel way to bolster the immune systems of people with HIV, which attacks T cells and uses them to replicate.
“We believe that by modifying T cells, we can provide an immediate benefit to patients,” says coauthor Philip Gregory, an expert in zinc-finger proteins and vice president of research at Sangamo BioSciences, a biotech company based in Richmond, Calif.
Zinc-finger nucleases — named for the zinc ions that hold the proteins together — act as scissors to snip DNA in specific places. Gregory and his colleagues designed a ZFN so that it would selectively disable the gene that encodes a specific protein on the surface of T cells. HIV uses this protein, called CCR5, as a doorway to invade the cells. Without CCR5, the most common form of HIV can’t infect the cells and thus can’t replicate.
To disable the gene, the researchers removed about a billion T cells from each mouse and exposed the cells to an adenovirus engineered to carry the genetic code for the customized ZFN.
The adenovirus delivered the ZFN gene into each cell’s interior, where the gene remained free-floating instead of integrating into the cell’s chromosomes — thus reducing the risk of cancer-causing mutations sometimes triggered by other kinds of gene therapy. Once inside the cell, the ZFN gene produced the ZFN protein, which in turn cut up the CCR5 gene.
After exposing the cells to the adenovirus, the scientists grew the cells in the lab until at least one of the two copies of the “HIV doorway” gene had been destroyed in about half of the cells.
These HIV-resistant cells constituted only a small fraction of a mouse’s total T cells after re-injection. But because HIV kills the T cells that it invades, unmodified cells get weeded out over time and the HIV-resistant cells multiply until they dominate the animals’ immune systems.Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
“This is an exciting result,” comments Carlos Barbas, a zinc-finger protein expert at the Scripps Research Institute in La Jolla, Calif. However, “I believe that CCR5 disruption will need to be accompanied by the addition of one or more [other] anti-HIV therapeutic genes” to make an effective therapy, he adds.
Gregory says that the technique could eventually be adapted for developing preventative vaccines, but research is needed first to demonstrate the safety of the approach. The researchers plan to begin clinical trials for this treatment later this year.
Removing immune system cells from mice and treating those cells with a custom protein called a zinc-finger nuclease in the lab made the cells resistant to HIV infection, scientists report online and in an upcoming Nature Biotechnology.
Injecting those cells back into the animals kept their viral load limited to less than one-tenth that in untreated mice and resulted in higher T cell counts among the treated animals. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire The technique could eventually provide a novel way to bolster the immune systems of people with HIV, which attacks T cells and uses them to replicate.
“We believe that by modifying T cells, we can provide an immediate benefit to patients,” says coauthor Philip Gregory, an expert in zinc-finger proteins and vice president of research at Sangamo BioSciences, a biotech company based in Richmond, Calif.
Zinc-finger nucleases — named for the zinc ions that hold the proteins together — act as scissors to snip DNA in specific places. Gregory and his colleagues designed a ZFN so that it would selectively disable the gene that encodes a specific protein on the surface of T cells. HIV uses this protein, called CCR5, as a doorway to invade the cells. Without CCR5, the most common form of HIV can’t infect the cells and thus can’t replicate.
To disable the gene, the researchers removed about a billion T cells from each mouse and exposed the cells to an adenovirus engineered to carry the genetic code for the customized ZFN.
The adenovirus delivered the ZFN gene into each cell’s interior, where the gene remained free-floating instead of integrating into the cell’s chromosomes — thus reducing the risk of cancer-causing mutations sometimes triggered by other kinds of gene therapy. Once inside the cell, the ZFN gene produced the ZFN protein, which in turn cut up the CCR5 gene.
After exposing the cells to the adenovirus, the scientists grew the cells in the lab until at least one of the two copies of the “HIV doorway” gene had been destroyed in about half of the cells.
These HIV-resistant cells constituted only a small fraction of a mouse’s total T cells after re-injection. But because HIV kills the T cells that it invades, unmodified cells get weeded out over time and the HIV-resistant cells multiply until they dominate the animals’ immune systems.Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
“This is an exciting result,” comments Carlos Barbas, a zinc-finger protein expert at the Scripps Research Institute in La Jolla, Calif. However, “I believe that CCR5 disruption will need to be accompanied by the addition of one or more [other] anti-HIV therapeutic genes” to make an effective therapy, he adds.
Gregory says that the technique could eventually be adapted for developing preventative vaccines, but research is needed first to demonstrate the safety of the approach. The researchers plan to begin clinical trials for this treatment later this year.
Tuesday, May 5, 2009
glucagon 4.glu.003 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
A little extra leptin can bring terminally ill rodents with type 1 diabetes back from the brink of death.
Leptin, a hormone made by fat cells, helps control eating behavior. A new gene therapy study suggests that it can also treat diabetes, the first demonstration that the disease can be treated without replacing insulin.http://Louis-J-Sheehan.biz
Roger Unger and colleagues at the University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center at Dallas used adenovirus to insert extra copies of the leptin gene in diabetic mice and rats. The rodents recovered from the most severe side effects of diabetes, even though the mice do not make insulin and weren’t given insulin, the researchers report in an early online publication August 25 in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.
“This is something that is extremely original, totally new and a little unexpected,” says Pierre Lefèbvre of the University of Liège, Belgium, and president of the Seattle-based Global Diabetes Alliance.
Type 1 diabetes, also known as juvenile diabetes, is an autoimmune disease in which the immune system attacks and kills insulin-producing cells in the pancreas. About 10 percent of people with diabetes have this form of the disease.
“We as physicians have been trained since 1922 that the only treatment for diabetes is insulin,” says Unger. So when diabetic animals making extra leptin recovered, the researchers had trouble believing it themselves, he says. “This was like science fiction. We couldn’t tell anybody because we thought they would laugh.”
But the terminally ill diabetic rodents making extra leptin recovered with no trace of insulin in their bodies. And leptin produced more sustained health improvements than insulin injections did. These included normalizing blood sugar for up to 80 days without insulin, stopping the overproduction of glucose by the liver, improving sugar use in the muscles, and allowing the animals to gain weight. The gene therapy also corrected ketosis — a process characteristic of diabetes in which the body burns fat, producing sweet-smelling chemicals called ketones.
“The idea that only insulin can rescue terminal insulin deficiency is incorrect,” Unger says. “There are other ways.”
Excess leptin seems to block the action of glucagon, a hormone that works as a counterpoint to insulin, which helps cells use glucose for energy. Glucagon signals the liver to produce glucose from fats and other non-carbohydrate sources. In diabetics, high glucagon levels just raise blood sugar levels even higher and lead to other side effects.
Unger says he cannot predict whether injections of leptin will work as well as making extra leptin in the liver does. That is the next set of experiments he has planned.
People given injections of leptin for other reasons do show some improvement in blood sugar levels, says Paul Burn, the senior vice president for research and development of the Juvenile Diabetes Research Foundation. The new study is evidence that altering glucagon activity could have beneficial effects for diabetics, he says.Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
“While this is excellent exploratory research supporting these ideas, I think it’s a long way from the clinic,” Burn says.
Unger also sounds a cautious note. “It’s very hopeful, but a long way from having any tangible influence on anything other than opening our eyes that there are alternatives to insulin.”
Leptin, a hormone made by fat cells, helps control eating behavior. A new gene therapy study suggests that it can also treat diabetes, the first demonstration that the disease can be treated without replacing insulin.http://Louis-J-Sheehan.biz
Roger Unger and colleagues at the University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center at Dallas used adenovirus to insert extra copies of the leptin gene in diabetic mice and rats. The rodents recovered from the most severe side effects of diabetes, even though the mice do not make insulin and weren’t given insulin, the researchers report in an early online publication August 25 in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.
“This is something that is extremely original, totally new and a little unexpected,” says Pierre Lefèbvre of the University of Liège, Belgium, and president of the Seattle-based Global Diabetes Alliance.
Type 1 diabetes, also known as juvenile diabetes, is an autoimmune disease in which the immune system attacks and kills insulin-producing cells in the pancreas. About 10 percent of people with diabetes have this form of the disease.
“We as physicians have been trained since 1922 that the only treatment for diabetes is insulin,” says Unger. So when diabetic animals making extra leptin recovered, the researchers had trouble believing it themselves, he says. “This was like science fiction. We couldn’t tell anybody because we thought they would laugh.”
But the terminally ill diabetic rodents making extra leptin recovered with no trace of insulin in their bodies. And leptin produced more sustained health improvements than insulin injections did. These included normalizing blood sugar for up to 80 days without insulin, stopping the overproduction of glucose by the liver, improving sugar use in the muscles, and allowing the animals to gain weight. The gene therapy also corrected ketosis — a process characteristic of diabetes in which the body burns fat, producing sweet-smelling chemicals called ketones.
“The idea that only insulin can rescue terminal insulin deficiency is incorrect,” Unger says. “There are other ways.”
Excess leptin seems to block the action of glucagon, a hormone that works as a counterpoint to insulin, which helps cells use glucose for energy. Glucagon signals the liver to produce glucose from fats and other non-carbohydrate sources. In diabetics, high glucagon levels just raise blood sugar levels even higher and lead to other side effects.
Unger says he cannot predict whether injections of leptin will work as well as making extra leptin in the liver does. That is the next set of experiments he has planned.
People given injections of leptin for other reasons do show some improvement in blood sugar levels, says Paul Burn, the senior vice president for research and development of the Juvenile Diabetes Research Foundation. The new study is evidence that altering glucagon activity could have beneficial effects for diabetics, he says.Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
“While this is excellent exploratory research supporting these ideas, I think it’s a long way from the clinic,” Burn says.
Unger also sounds a cautious note. “It’s very hopeful, but a long way from having any tangible influence on anything other than opening our eyes that there are alternatives to insulin.”
Monday, May 4, 2009
window 4.win.123 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
Emergency room physicians can deliver clot-busting treatments to a wider range of stroke patients than previously thought, European researchers report in the Sept. 25 New England Journal of Medicine.
The finding could change the way stroke is treated and increase ER doctors’ ability to prevent some cases of disability caused by strokes, scientists say.
Most strokes result when a blood clot lodges in the brain, blocking blood flow to other parts of the organ. A powerful drug called tPA, or tissue plasminogen activator, can dissolve these clots. But medical dogma holds that it must be given within three hours of a stroke’s onset. Beyond that, the thinking goes, the bulk of the brain damage is done and adding the risk of internal bleeding that accompanies clot-busters seems unwise. The new study extends that window of effective tPA treatment by 90 minutes, to 4 ½ hours.
This precious extra time to dissolve a clot and restore blood flow to a starving portion of brain could benefit tens of thousands of stroke patients in the United States each year, says study coauthor Werner Hacke, a neurologist at the University of Heidelberg in Germany.
“I think this is big news because suddenly they have substantially extended the number of patients who get intravenous tPA,” says Scott Kasner, a neurologist at the University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia.
However, many emergency room physicians are hesitant to give stroke patients clot-busting drugs at all. A landmark 1995 study found that giving the drugs within three hours of stroke onset provided benefits that outweighed the bleeding risk in most patients. But only about 4 percent of stroke patients who arrive at U.S. hospitals get tPA, says neurologist Patrick Lyden of the Veterans Affairs San Diego Medical Center and University of California, San Diego, who coauthored the 1995 report. Most stroke patients don’t receive tPA because the time of onset might be hazy, or doctors may be hesitant to risk incurring bleeding or are untrained in delivering tPA. The new data should clarify the time frame and allay some doubts about the treatment’s effectiveness, he says.
In the new study, Hacke and his colleagues identified patients who arrived at hospitals with a stroke that had begun more than three hours but less than 4 ½ hours earlier. The researchers used CT scans of the brain to rule out people with brain bleeding. The doctors also excluded those with severe strokes as indicated by the scans.
That left 730 patients, half of whom were then randomly assigned to get infusions of the tPA drug called alteplase. The others received a placebo.http://LOUIS-J-SHEEHAN.US
After three months, roughly 52 percent of study patients treated with tPA within the extra 90 minute time window had normal daily function and were living independently, compared with 45 percent of those getting a placebo infusion. The death rate over three months was about 8 percent in both groups.
Doctors detected brain bleeding among treated patients about as often as seen in previous studies in which tPA was limited to a three hour window.
Time matters in stroke treatment, and delay is dangerous. As minutes or hours pass with a clot lodged in place, more brain tissue is starved of blood and damaged. Thus, busting a clot later into the stroke might rescue less tissue. “The [beneficial] effect of tPA decreases over time,” Hacke says.
Even so, treated patients in this study — who received tPA an average of four hours after the onset of stroke — still showed clear benefits over the placebo group.
“I think this will eventually be incorporated into clinical practice, slowly at first, and then become the standard of care,” Kasner says.
Stroke disables more adults than any other condition, yet every stroke is different. People who have a severe stroke are often rushed to a hospital with obvious problems, Hacke says. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire But those with milder strokes sometimes show up longer after a stroke’s onset, in part because they aren’t sure whether their symptoms are serious enough for a hospital visit, he says. These are the kinds of people most likely to benefit from the new study’s findings on delayed tPA treatment, he says.
Meanwhile, Lyden says, more hospitals need to grasp the value of tPA and have doctors on site or on call who can deliver it. “Every hospital needs to have a stroke plan,” he says. “Either have a way to give tPA, or set up a way to tell the EMS people to divert [an ambulance] to a place that can do it.”
The finding could change the way stroke is treated and increase ER doctors’ ability to prevent some cases of disability caused by strokes, scientists say.
Most strokes result when a blood clot lodges in the brain, blocking blood flow to other parts of the organ. A powerful drug called tPA, or tissue plasminogen activator, can dissolve these clots. But medical dogma holds that it must be given within three hours of a stroke’s onset. Beyond that, the thinking goes, the bulk of the brain damage is done and adding the risk of internal bleeding that accompanies clot-busters seems unwise. The new study extends that window of effective tPA treatment by 90 minutes, to 4 ½ hours.
This precious extra time to dissolve a clot and restore blood flow to a starving portion of brain could benefit tens of thousands of stroke patients in the United States each year, says study coauthor Werner Hacke, a neurologist at the University of Heidelberg in Germany.
“I think this is big news because suddenly they have substantially extended the number of patients who get intravenous tPA,” says Scott Kasner, a neurologist at the University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia.
However, many emergency room physicians are hesitant to give stroke patients clot-busting drugs at all. A landmark 1995 study found that giving the drugs within three hours of stroke onset provided benefits that outweighed the bleeding risk in most patients. But only about 4 percent of stroke patients who arrive at U.S. hospitals get tPA, says neurologist Patrick Lyden of the Veterans Affairs San Diego Medical Center and University of California, San Diego, who coauthored the 1995 report. Most stroke patients don’t receive tPA because the time of onset might be hazy, or doctors may be hesitant to risk incurring bleeding or are untrained in delivering tPA. The new data should clarify the time frame and allay some doubts about the treatment’s effectiveness, he says.
In the new study, Hacke and his colleagues identified patients who arrived at hospitals with a stroke that had begun more than three hours but less than 4 ½ hours earlier. The researchers used CT scans of the brain to rule out people with brain bleeding. The doctors also excluded those with severe strokes as indicated by the scans.
That left 730 patients, half of whom were then randomly assigned to get infusions of the tPA drug called alteplase. The others received a placebo.http://LOUIS-J-SHEEHAN.US
After three months, roughly 52 percent of study patients treated with tPA within the extra 90 minute time window had normal daily function and were living independently, compared with 45 percent of those getting a placebo infusion. The death rate over three months was about 8 percent in both groups.
Doctors detected brain bleeding among treated patients about as often as seen in previous studies in which tPA was limited to a three hour window.
Time matters in stroke treatment, and delay is dangerous. As minutes or hours pass with a clot lodged in place, more brain tissue is starved of blood and damaged. Thus, busting a clot later into the stroke might rescue less tissue. “The [beneficial] effect of tPA decreases over time,” Hacke says.
Even so, treated patients in this study — who received tPA an average of four hours after the onset of stroke — still showed clear benefits over the placebo group.
“I think this will eventually be incorporated into clinical practice, slowly at first, and then become the standard of care,” Kasner says.
Stroke disables more adults than any other condition, yet every stroke is different. People who have a severe stroke are often rushed to a hospital with obvious problems, Hacke says. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire But those with milder strokes sometimes show up longer after a stroke’s onset, in part because they aren’t sure whether their symptoms are serious enough for a hospital visit, he says. These are the kinds of people most likely to benefit from the new study’s findings on delayed tPA treatment, he says.
Meanwhile, Lyden says, more hospitals need to grasp the value of tPA and have doctors on site or on call who can deliver it. “Every hospital needs to have a stroke plan,” he says. “Either have a way to give tPA, or set up a way to tell the EMS people to divert [an ambulance] to a place that can do it.”
Thursday, April 30, 2009
male 1.mal.9 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
Male mice abandon their homicidal tendencies to become doting parents and accomplished homemakers when a gene is removed from the region of the brain that detects pheromones, new research shows. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
Most animals have sex-specific behavior, and male mice are no exception. They make male-specific grunts, they attempt to mate with nearby females and, worst of all, they commit infanticide.
New data presented November 18 by neuroscientist Catherine Dulac showed that removing a gene called Trpc2 from male mice made them act like females. http://LOUIS-J-SHEEHAN.INFO The protein this gene encodes is crucial in the brain for animals to sense pheromones.
Last year, Dulac and colleagues showed the opposite: Females who lack the Trpc2 gene act like males. Irrefutable video evidence showed a female mutant mouse carousing in a cage full of either female or male mice persistently (if unsuccessfully) attempted to sow her wild oats, the team reported in Nature.
“I have to say, the first time I saw these results I just couldn’t really understand what was going on,” Dulac says of the discovery. That observation led the researchers to propose that females had the right connections of neurons in their brains to act like males, and all it took was the right switch — in this case, the lack of Trpc2 — to turn on the male behavior circuit.
In the new research, the scientists tested a mutant male’s maternal instincts by putting him in a cage with a litter of pups. Normally, the male mouse would kill the unfamiliar pups. But while observers waited for the carnage to ensue, the mutant male set about building a nest, then gently picked up each helpless pup and moved it to the new home.
His display of unexpected female behavior showed that in mice, the basis for both male and female behavior probably exists in each animal’s brain, Dulac says. It’s just a matter of activating the right collection of neurons. — Laura Sanders
Creativity may have genetic roots
A study comparing performing artists to people with little or no experience in the arts found that many of the artists inherited variants of two genes involved in novelty-seeking, attention, memory and problem solving. The variants appeared in only one of the non-artists.
These particular genes may influence the development of creative achievement in at least some individuals, across a variety of fields, proposes a team led by Kevin Dunbar and Laura Petitto, both of the University of Toronto.
Variants of the two genes were found in 15 of 58 professional dancers, musicians and actors — about one-quarter of them— versus only one of 36 comparison individuals. The genes, called DRD4 and COMT, influence transmission of dopamine, a chemical messenger in the brain.
“Combinations of genetic variants, rather than specific genetic variants, may be linked to pursuing and achieving expertise in creative activities,” Petitto says.
Brain imaging studies of the same participants indicate that, relative to the comparison group, performing artists display much more activity in a frontal brain region critical for remembering and manipulating different pieces of information at once. This disparity may partly result from intense, long-term practice of creative endeavors by performing artists, in addition to any genetic advantage, Petitto says.
The Toronto researchers plan to look for additional gene variants linked to creative expertise. They also hope to include acclaimed creative virtuosos in their experiments. — Bruce Bower
Babies care for mom
Mothers spend years caring for their young and, it turns out, may get some benefits in return. New findings from University of Richmond researchers show that babies contribute to the long-term cognitive health of their moms.
Previous studies have shown that the hormonal fluctuations that occur during pregnancy, birth and lactation work to remodel the female brain, increasing the size of neurons in some regions and producing structural changes in others.
In recent work with rats, psychologist Craig Kinsley and his students found that the brains of aged females who had given birth possessed fewer deposits of amyloid precursor protein, or APP, a harbinger of Alzheimer’s disease, than did age-matched rats who had not given birth. His group then looked at the cognitive effects of motherhood in rats that were bred to express high levels of APP as they matured. Half of the females were allowed to mate and raise pups, the other half remained virgins.
Behavioral studies showed that the moms performed better at memory and spatial tasks, such as catching prey, than the non-moms. When checking the levels of APP in the brains of the aged females, scientists found that the mother rats had an 11-fold decrease in the amount of protein in their brains.
The new study also showed that the brains of mom rats had higher numbers of estrogen receptors, which are thought to provide some protective benefits in the aging female brain, Kinsley said.
“People often focus on the time and care that mothers give to their young, but this suggests that babies are, in turn, contributing to the long-term welfare of the mother,” he says. — Susan Gaidos
A blinking minute
Humans blink 13,500 times a day on average, but not necessarily randomly, new data from rats suggest.
People blink far more than what is required to maintain moist, healthy eyes. “Spontaneous blinking is not just to maintain a tear film on the cornea. There’s something more there,” says neuroscientist Kyle Horn of Stony Brook University in New York.
Horn found that, in rats, the time increments between blinks vary widely. A rat could blink several times in quick succession and then wait a long period of time before the next blink. But closer analyses of the data showed that an overall pattern of blinks was repeated every 10 minutes.
“Something purely random is not that easy to generate,” says Horn. He and his group think that a relatively simple brain system may control blinking. By mapping the pattern of blinking, the researchers hope to figure out what that system is.
Horn’s team also tested whether factors other than time could make blinking non-random. They found that rats blink more frequently right before and after they groom themselves.
Most animals have sex-specific behavior, and male mice are no exception. They make male-specific grunts, they attempt to mate with nearby females and, worst of all, they commit infanticide.
New data presented November 18 by neuroscientist Catherine Dulac showed that removing a gene called Trpc2 from male mice made them act like females. http://LOUIS-J-SHEEHAN.INFO The protein this gene encodes is crucial in the brain for animals to sense pheromones.
Last year, Dulac and colleagues showed the opposite: Females who lack the Trpc2 gene act like males. Irrefutable video evidence showed a female mutant mouse carousing in a cage full of either female or male mice persistently (if unsuccessfully) attempted to sow her wild oats, the team reported in Nature.
“I have to say, the first time I saw these results I just couldn’t really understand what was going on,” Dulac says of the discovery. That observation led the researchers to propose that females had the right connections of neurons in their brains to act like males, and all it took was the right switch — in this case, the lack of Trpc2 — to turn on the male behavior circuit.
In the new research, the scientists tested a mutant male’s maternal instincts by putting him in a cage with a litter of pups. Normally, the male mouse would kill the unfamiliar pups. But while observers waited for the carnage to ensue, the mutant male set about building a nest, then gently picked up each helpless pup and moved it to the new home.
His display of unexpected female behavior showed that in mice, the basis for both male and female behavior probably exists in each animal’s brain, Dulac says. It’s just a matter of activating the right collection of neurons. — Laura Sanders
Creativity may have genetic roots
A study comparing performing artists to people with little or no experience in the arts found that many of the artists inherited variants of two genes involved in novelty-seeking, attention, memory and problem solving. The variants appeared in only one of the non-artists.
These particular genes may influence the development of creative achievement in at least some individuals, across a variety of fields, proposes a team led by Kevin Dunbar and Laura Petitto, both of the University of Toronto.
Variants of the two genes were found in 15 of 58 professional dancers, musicians and actors — about one-quarter of them— versus only one of 36 comparison individuals. The genes, called DRD4 and COMT, influence transmission of dopamine, a chemical messenger in the brain.
“Combinations of genetic variants, rather than specific genetic variants, may be linked to pursuing and achieving expertise in creative activities,” Petitto says.
Brain imaging studies of the same participants indicate that, relative to the comparison group, performing artists display much more activity in a frontal brain region critical for remembering and manipulating different pieces of information at once. This disparity may partly result from intense, long-term practice of creative endeavors by performing artists, in addition to any genetic advantage, Petitto says.
The Toronto researchers plan to look for additional gene variants linked to creative expertise. They also hope to include acclaimed creative virtuosos in their experiments. — Bruce Bower
Babies care for mom
Mothers spend years caring for their young and, it turns out, may get some benefits in return. New findings from University of Richmond researchers show that babies contribute to the long-term cognitive health of their moms.
Previous studies have shown that the hormonal fluctuations that occur during pregnancy, birth and lactation work to remodel the female brain, increasing the size of neurons in some regions and producing structural changes in others.
In recent work with rats, psychologist Craig Kinsley and his students found that the brains of aged females who had given birth possessed fewer deposits of amyloid precursor protein, or APP, a harbinger of Alzheimer’s disease, than did age-matched rats who had not given birth. His group then looked at the cognitive effects of motherhood in rats that were bred to express high levels of APP as they matured. Half of the females were allowed to mate and raise pups, the other half remained virgins.
Behavioral studies showed that the moms performed better at memory and spatial tasks, such as catching prey, than the non-moms. When checking the levels of APP in the brains of the aged females, scientists found that the mother rats had an 11-fold decrease in the amount of protein in their brains.
The new study also showed that the brains of mom rats had higher numbers of estrogen receptors, which are thought to provide some protective benefits in the aging female brain, Kinsley said.
“People often focus on the time and care that mothers give to their young, but this suggests that babies are, in turn, contributing to the long-term welfare of the mother,” he says. — Susan Gaidos
A blinking minute
Humans blink 13,500 times a day on average, but not necessarily randomly, new data from rats suggest.
People blink far more than what is required to maintain moist, healthy eyes. “Spontaneous blinking is not just to maintain a tear film on the cornea. There’s something more there,” says neuroscientist Kyle Horn of Stony Brook University in New York.
Horn found that, in rats, the time increments between blinks vary widely. A rat could blink several times in quick succession and then wait a long period of time before the next blink. But closer analyses of the data showed that an overall pattern of blinks was repeated every 10 minutes.
“Something purely random is not that easy to generate,” says Horn. He and his group think that a relatively simple brain system may control blinking. By mapping the pattern of blinking, the researchers hope to figure out what that system is.
Horn’s team also tested whether factors other than time could make blinking non-random. They found that rats blink more frequently right before and after they groom themselves.
Tuesday, April 14, 2009
lines 5.lin.001 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
As a percentage of family income, money spent by U.S. women with breast cancer is much greater for low-income patients than for those who are well off, according to research presented December 12 in Texas at the San Antonio Breast Cancer Symposium. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
Public health researcher Lisa Lines of the consulting firm Boston Health Economics in Waltham, Mass., and her colleagues analyzed expenditures made by 806 breast cancer patients from 1996 to 2005. Out-of-pocket costs included insurance premiums, payments to meet deductibles, co-pays and any other payments made to meet medical or drug costs associated with treatment.http://Louis-J-Sheehan.biz
The average annual out-of-pocket expenditure was about $2,300 per breast cancer patient, about half of which was spent on prescription drugs.
“Breast cancer is actually not the most expensive cancer for out-of-pocket expenditures,” Lines says. This and other data suggest that breast cancer costs patients more than colon or prostate cancer, but less than lung cancer, she says.
But breast cancer has a large proportion of people with a “high burden,” she says. The researchers classified patients as having a high burden when their out-of-pocket costs for coping with the cancer exceeded 10 percent of the family’s income. Roughly 70 percent of low-income breast cancer patients fell into the high-burden category in this analysis, compared with about 15 percent of middle-income and less than 5 percent of high-income breast cancer patients — apparently the result of better insurance, she says.
Cancer patients in general are disproportionately affected by a high out-of-pocket burden. That’s because many cancers have come to be treated more like a chronic disease than they used to be and are treated on an outpatient basis, Lines says. In the past, most cancer patients were treated in hospitals, where major medical insurance covered much of the cost. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
Public health researcher Lisa Lines of the consulting firm Boston Health Economics in Waltham, Mass., and her colleagues analyzed expenditures made by 806 breast cancer patients from 1996 to 2005. Out-of-pocket costs included insurance premiums, payments to meet deductibles, co-pays and any other payments made to meet medical or drug costs associated with treatment.http://Louis-J-Sheehan.biz
The average annual out-of-pocket expenditure was about $2,300 per breast cancer patient, about half of which was spent on prescription drugs.
“Breast cancer is actually not the most expensive cancer for out-of-pocket expenditures,” Lines says. This and other data suggest that breast cancer costs patients more than colon or prostate cancer, but less than lung cancer, she says.
But breast cancer has a large proportion of people with a “high burden,” she says. The researchers classified patients as having a high burden when their out-of-pocket costs for coping with the cancer exceeded 10 percent of the family’s income. Roughly 70 percent of low-income breast cancer patients fell into the high-burden category in this analysis, compared with about 15 percent of middle-income and less than 5 percent of high-income breast cancer patients — apparently the result of better insurance, she says.
Cancer patients in general are disproportionately affected by a high out-of-pocket burden. That’s because many cancers have come to be treated more like a chronic disease than they used to be and are treated on an outpatient basis, Lines says. In the past, most cancer patients were treated in hospitals, where major medical insurance covered much of the cost. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
Saturday, April 11, 2009
flu 1.flu.1 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire Getting plenty of vitamin D — more than diet can offer — appears to provide potent protection against colds, flu and even pneumonia, a new study reports. Although the amount of protection varies by season, the trend is solid: As the amount of vitamin D circulating in blood climbs, risk of upper respiratory tract infections falls. http://LOUIS-J-SHEEHAN.US
Though that’s not too surprising (SN: 11/11/06, p. 312), the researchers found one unexpected trend: “In people with preexisting lung disease, such as asthma and chronic obstructive pulmonary disease — or COPD, low levels of vitamin D act like an effect modifier,” says Adit Ginde, an emergency room physician at the University of Colorado Denver School of Medicine in Aurora who led the study. The findings appear in the Feb. 23 Archives of Internal Medicine. http://LOUIS-J-SHEEHAN.US
In people with lung disease, he says, low levels of the sunshine vitamin “magnify many-fold” the apparent vulnerability to infection seen in people with healthy lungs. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
“It’s well-documented that at the turn of the century, kids with rickets [due to vitamin D deficiency] had much higher risk of upper respiratory tract infections,” notes Michael Holick of Boston University. “And treating them with vitamin D lowered that risk. We also know that your immune function is carefully regulated by vitamin D.” For instance, he notes, vitamin D controls the activity of the immune cells that are responsible for destroying infectious germs.
“It’s nice to see that it’s now being documented” with nonanecdotal data, Holick says.
Ginde and his colleagues correlated vitamin D levels of nearly 19,000 adults participating in the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey with their recent health. NHANES periodically samples a random cross section of the U.S. population; people are selected to be representative of the nation as a whole.
Although no minimum vitamin D level ideal for health has been established, there is a general consensus that people ought to have at least 30 nanograms per milliliter of blood — sometimes described as about 80 nanomoles per liter (SN: 10/16/04, p. 248). In this NHANES data set, only about 45 percent of the population had that minimum. So the researchers separated the NHANES participants into three groups: those with 30 or more ng/ml, those with gross deficiency (less than 10 ng/ml of vitamin D) and those in between.
In every season, people in the lowest vitamin D group were about 36 percent more likely to be suffering a respiratory infection than those in the highest group. Infection risks for people in the middle group fell between those rates.
But low levels of vitamin D more than doubled the risk of respiratory infection for people with COPD — and boosted it almost sixfold in people with asthma — compared with participants who had normal lung function and were in the highest vitamin D group.
Also disturbing, Ginde points out that the NHANES data he analyzed had been collected about 15 years ago, when almost twice as many people as today had vitamin D levels above 30 ng/ml.
Though the body can make plenty of vitamin D as a result of sun exposure, people are spending less time outdoors and covering up when they do go out, so natural vitamin D production has been falling. Ginde and his colleagues plan to supplement high-risk populations during winter months with high doses of vitamin D to see if those people have reduced infection rates compared with untreated people. http://LOUIS-J-SHEEHAN.US
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Comments 6
* Wow. I wonder ... when I first started using light boxes for winter blues my winter colds just quit happening. I'd always had four or five each winter, the usual starting with a sore throat. I built a _lot_ of light boxes (four to eight 4' fluorescent tubes, at the time, with electronic ballasts. They're a lot smaller now.
Since I started using them for many hours, really to extend my "daytime" for the dark half of the year -- going on fifteen years -- I get maybe one cold.
I'd figured maybe it was using the lights, or maybe I had gotten old enough to have met all the possible cold viruses. Maybe ....
Hank Roberts Hank Roberts
Mar. 2, 2009 at 7:21pm
* The link to the UCSD/GrassrootsHealth series can be found on http://www.grassrootshealth.net/
Leo Baggerly
Leo Baggerly Leo Baggerly
Mar. 1, 2009 at 8:56am
* http://tinyurl.com/auy649
Sorry, here is the link to the University of California You Tube series of Vitamin D presentations. Do watch them to the end as there is a Q&A session that also has useful information.
Edward Hutchinson Edward Hutchinson
Feb. 24, 2009 at 4:23pm
* Generally speaking every 1000iu/daily D3 raises status 10ng/mL or 25nmol/l.
The ideal vitamin d status associated with least disease incidence is 60ng/mL ~ 150nmol/l.
For those of us living above latitude 50n with current status around 30nmol/l around 5000iu may be needed to reach optimum.
Grassrootshealth.org do a chart presenting Garlands data "Disease Incidence Prevention by Serum 25(OH)D Level"
They have also put a nice series of 30minutes lectures by Garland, Trump, Heaney and Gorham on various aspects of Vitamin d in relation to cancer incidence, prevention and treatment. There will be another on Diabetes soon.
Edward Hutchinson Edward Hutchinson Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
Feb. 24, 2009 at 4:16pm
* The recommended daily intake, now usually referred to as "dietary reference intakes," is 200 international units (5 micrograms) per day through age 50, then 400 IU from age 51 to 70, and 600 IU for people 70 and older. I use the IU values because that's how vitamin D is usually reported on product labels. Ginde is currently talking about administering somewhere between 1,000 and 3,000 IU per day throughout the winter months. In other words: 25 to 75 micrograms per day.
Janet Raloff Janet Raloff
Feb. 24, 2009 at 3:43pm
* It would be useful to know what the "high dose" that Ginde will be using for high-risk populations and how it compares to the 5 - 15 mcg (based on age) that NIH shows as Adequate Intakes (AIs) for Vitamin D (http://dietary-supplements.info.nih.gov/factsheets/vitamind.asp).
Though that’s not too surprising (SN: 11/11/06, p. 312), the researchers found one unexpected trend: “In people with preexisting lung disease, such as asthma and chronic obstructive pulmonary disease — or COPD, low levels of vitamin D act like an effect modifier,” says Adit Ginde, an emergency room physician at the University of Colorado Denver School of Medicine in Aurora who led the study. The findings appear in the Feb. 23 Archives of Internal Medicine. http://LOUIS-J-SHEEHAN.US
In people with lung disease, he says, low levels of the sunshine vitamin “magnify many-fold” the apparent vulnerability to infection seen in people with healthy lungs. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
“It’s well-documented that at the turn of the century, kids with rickets [due to vitamin D deficiency] had much higher risk of upper respiratory tract infections,” notes Michael Holick of Boston University. “And treating them with vitamin D lowered that risk. We also know that your immune function is carefully regulated by vitamin D.” For instance, he notes, vitamin D controls the activity of the immune cells that are responsible for destroying infectious germs.
“It’s nice to see that it’s now being documented” with nonanecdotal data, Holick says.
Ginde and his colleagues correlated vitamin D levels of nearly 19,000 adults participating in the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey with their recent health. NHANES periodically samples a random cross section of the U.S. population; people are selected to be representative of the nation as a whole.
Although no minimum vitamin D level ideal for health has been established, there is a general consensus that people ought to have at least 30 nanograms per milliliter of blood — sometimes described as about 80 nanomoles per liter (SN: 10/16/04, p. 248). In this NHANES data set, only about 45 percent of the population had that minimum. So the researchers separated the NHANES participants into three groups: those with 30 or more ng/ml, those with gross deficiency (less than 10 ng/ml of vitamin D) and those in between.
In every season, people in the lowest vitamin D group were about 36 percent more likely to be suffering a respiratory infection than those in the highest group. Infection risks for people in the middle group fell between those rates.
But low levels of vitamin D more than doubled the risk of respiratory infection for people with COPD — and boosted it almost sixfold in people with asthma — compared with participants who had normal lung function and were in the highest vitamin D group.
Also disturbing, Ginde points out that the NHANES data he analyzed had been collected about 15 years ago, when almost twice as many people as today had vitamin D levels above 30 ng/ml.
Though the body can make plenty of vitamin D as a result of sun exposure, people are spending less time outdoors and covering up when they do go out, so natural vitamin D production has been falling. Ginde and his colleagues plan to supplement high-risk populations during winter months with high doses of vitamin D to see if those people have reduced infection rates compared with untreated people. http://LOUIS-J-SHEEHAN.US
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* Comment
Found in: Body & Brain
Share & Save
* slashdot slashdot
* digg digg
* facebook facebook
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* del.icio.us del.icio.us
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* technorati technorati
Comments 6
* Wow. I wonder ... when I first started using light boxes for winter blues my winter colds just quit happening. I'd always had four or five each winter, the usual starting with a sore throat. I built a _lot_ of light boxes (four to eight 4' fluorescent tubes, at the time, with electronic ballasts. They're a lot smaller now.
Since I started using them for many hours, really to extend my "daytime" for the dark half of the year -- going on fifteen years -- I get maybe one cold.
I'd figured maybe it was using the lights, or maybe I had gotten old enough to have met all the possible cold viruses. Maybe ....
Hank Roberts Hank Roberts
Mar. 2, 2009 at 7:21pm
* The link to the UCSD/GrassrootsHealth series can be found on http://www.grassrootshealth.net/
Leo Baggerly
Leo Baggerly Leo Baggerly
Mar. 1, 2009 at 8:56am
* http://tinyurl.com/auy649
Sorry, here is the link to the University of California You Tube series of Vitamin D presentations. Do watch them to the end as there is a Q&A session that also has useful information.
Edward Hutchinson Edward Hutchinson
Feb. 24, 2009 at 4:23pm
* Generally speaking every 1000iu/daily D3 raises status 10ng/mL or 25nmol/l.
The ideal vitamin d status associated with least disease incidence is 60ng/mL ~ 150nmol/l.
For those of us living above latitude 50n with current status around 30nmol/l around 5000iu may be needed to reach optimum.
Grassrootshealth.org do a chart presenting Garlands data "Disease Incidence Prevention by Serum 25(OH)D Level"
They have also put a nice series of 30minutes lectures by Garland, Trump, Heaney and Gorham on various aspects of Vitamin d in relation to cancer incidence, prevention and treatment. There will be another on Diabetes soon.
Edward Hutchinson Edward Hutchinson Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
Feb. 24, 2009 at 4:16pm
* The recommended daily intake, now usually referred to as "dietary reference intakes," is 200 international units (5 micrograms) per day through age 50, then 400 IU from age 51 to 70, and 600 IU for people 70 and older. I use the IU values because that's how vitamin D is usually reported on product labels. Ginde is currently talking about administering somewhere between 1,000 and 3,000 IU per day throughout the winter months. In other words: 25 to 75 micrograms per day.
Janet Raloff Janet Raloff
Feb. 24, 2009 at 3:43pm
* It would be useful to know what the "high dose" that Ginde will be using for high-risk populations and how it compares to the 5 - 15 mcg (based on age) that NIH shows as Adequate Intakes (AIs) for Vitamin D (http://dietary-supplements.info.nih.gov/factsheets/vitamind.asp).
Saturday, January 10, 2009
oxygen 7.oxy.111 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire. Avalanches, vicious winds and sub-zero temperatures aren’t the only extremes endured by those who climb Mount Everest. Hypoxia, a lack of oxygen that can lead to cell death, also threatens. But a study of people ascending Mount Everest’s slopes suggests that some humans are especially tolerant of low oxygen levels, perhaps because their bodies use oxygen more efficiently. The findings, reported in the Jan. 8 New England Journal of Medicine, could inform the treatment of critically ill patients struggling to breathe in hospitals. http://louis9j9sheehan9esquire.blog.ca
The new work reports the lowest recorded blood oxygen levels in a nonhibernating mammal. It is also one of the first analyses to come out of a much larger investigation of more than 200 people who made the trek to Everest in an effort to understand how the body adapts to low oxygen levels. http://louis9j9sheehan9esquire.blog.ca
Patients suffering from cystic fibrosis, septic shock and other critical ailments often have severely low levels of blood oxygen. Treatment often involves administering oxygen with a mask, or mechanically ventilating the lungs, a harsh procedure that can do more harm than good, says Michael Grocott of University College London, lead author of the new study. But because the health of such patients is compromised and many variables are involved, studying the effect of low oxygen alone isn’t easy.
“So many things are going on that separating out oxygen is difficult,” says Grocott. Basic questions still loom, he says. “Why do some people adapt well while others seem to struggle?”
Typically studies of how the body responds to low levels of oxygen are conducted in a hypobaric chamber that simulates the effects of high altitudes. But Grocott’s team surmised that the expense and persuasion required to get 200 healthy people to sit in a metal box for three weeks might be skirted if those people could be convinced to climb the 5,300 meters to the Everest base camp. The Caudwell Xtreme Everest expedition was born. In April and May of 2007 more than 200 people, age 18 to 73, made the trek, making themselves available to more than 60 doctors and scientists aiming to get at why some people fare better than others in the thin air at the tallest peak on Earth.
access
Enlargemagnify
TESTING THE ASCENTClimbers of Mount Everest stop at the Balcony (8,400 meters) to give blood samples to researchers. Data from this work show that people who can reach this altitude tolerate the lowest known blood oxygen levels observed in nonhibernating mammals.Caudwell Xtreme Everest
The research team sampled blood, analyzing oxygen and carbon dioxide levels, pH and concentrations of lactate and hemoglobin. Ten subjects were sampled in London (75 meters above sea level). Nine were sampled at the Everest base camp (5,300 m). These individuals, all healthy climbers, then tackled Everest’s southeast ridge. Small shelters were constructed along the route and blood was taken from climbers’ groin arteries. Samples were taken at Camp 2 (6,400 m), from six people at Camp 3 (7,100 m) and finally at what is known as the Balcony (8,400 m) from the four people who made it to the summit and were available for testing (8,848m). Samples taken higher than the base camp were quickly brought to a lab set up at Camp 2 for analysis. Bad weather prohibited taking samples at the summit.
Supplemental oxygen was used only at or above 7,100 m, but samples were only taken after people had been breathing the ambient air for several minutes or hours.
At the highest altitudes, the subjects showed an impressive adaptive response, says Grocott. Most people would pass out after two to three minutes in such altitudes, these climbers were not only conscious, but also clearly communicated by radio and performed complication-free sampling. The blood oxygen levels of the four tested climbers were startlingly low — the lowest a mere 19.1 millimeters mercury, the researchers report. In patients, levels below 60 mm Hg are cause for concern, Grocott says.
The findings suggest that the amount of oxygen alone isn’t the secret to physiological success. Other factors could be how much oxygen a person’s hemoglobin can carry, or the efficiency of the cellular factories known as mitochondria, which use the oxygen.
“There’s a significant possibility that some people may just be more efficient,” Grocott says.
Even among the four climbers tested at 8,400 meters, there was individual variation in measured variables such as blood oxygen levels and pH. This physiological variation among people fits with recent work done by Cynthia Beall of Case Western Reserve University in Cleveland.
“This shows that healthy people have a huge range of variation in being able to respond to stress,” says Beall.
Her investigations of the physiology of Tibetans and other highlanders suggest that a major gene is involved in how much oxygen hemoglobin transport throughout the body. (The Everest team is also looking into the genetics of adaptation to high altitudes.)
Beall tips her hat to the field team. “To have the audacity to think about doing this work — and then to do it! I’m very impressed. The difficulty of taking the measurements alone, and adapting the equipment — they did a beautiful job.”
The results suggest that at high altitudes the problem isn’t the lack of oxygen, but the body’s ability to deliver and use it, comments Paul Firth of Massachusetts General Hospital in Boston. An analysis of mortality rates on Mount Everest by Firth and colleagues appeared in the British Medical Journal in December. “People don’t run out of gas,” he says, “the delivery deteriorates.” Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire.
The new work reports the lowest recorded blood oxygen levels in a nonhibernating mammal. It is also one of the first analyses to come out of a much larger investigation of more than 200 people who made the trek to Everest in an effort to understand how the body adapts to low oxygen levels. http://louis9j9sheehan9esquire.blog.ca
Patients suffering from cystic fibrosis, septic shock and other critical ailments often have severely low levels of blood oxygen. Treatment often involves administering oxygen with a mask, or mechanically ventilating the lungs, a harsh procedure that can do more harm than good, says Michael Grocott of University College London, lead author of the new study. But because the health of such patients is compromised and many variables are involved, studying the effect of low oxygen alone isn’t easy.
“So many things are going on that separating out oxygen is difficult,” says Grocott. Basic questions still loom, he says. “Why do some people adapt well while others seem to struggle?”
Typically studies of how the body responds to low levels of oxygen are conducted in a hypobaric chamber that simulates the effects of high altitudes. But Grocott’s team surmised that the expense and persuasion required to get 200 healthy people to sit in a metal box for three weeks might be skirted if those people could be convinced to climb the 5,300 meters to the Everest base camp. The Caudwell Xtreme Everest expedition was born. In April and May of 2007 more than 200 people, age 18 to 73, made the trek, making themselves available to more than 60 doctors and scientists aiming to get at why some people fare better than others in the thin air at the tallest peak on Earth.
access
Enlargemagnify
TESTING THE ASCENTClimbers of Mount Everest stop at the Balcony (8,400 meters) to give blood samples to researchers. Data from this work show that people who can reach this altitude tolerate the lowest known blood oxygen levels observed in nonhibernating mammals.Caudwell Xtreme Everest
The research team sampled blood, analyzing oxygen and carbon dioxide levels, pH and concentrations of lactate and hemoglobin. Ten subjects were sampled in London (75 meters above sea level). Nine were sampled at the Everest base camp (5,300 m). These individuals, all healthy climbers, then tackled Everest’s southeast ridge. Small shelters were constructed along the route and blood was taken from climbers’ groin arteries. Samples were taken at Camp 2 (6,400 m), from six people at Camp 3 (7,100 m) and finally at what is known as the Balcony (8,400 m) from the four people who made it to the summit and were available for testing (8,848m). Samples taken higher than the base camp were quickly brought to a lab set up at Camp 2 for analysis. Bad weather prohibited taking samples at the summit.
Supplemental oxygen was used only at or above 7,100 m, but samples were only taken after people had been breathing the ambient air for several minutes or hours.
At the highest altitudes, the subjects showed an impressive adaptive response, says Grocott. Most people would pass out after two to three minutes in such altitudes, these climbers were not only conscious, but also clearly communicated by radio and performed complication-free sampling. The blood oxygen levels of the four tested climbers were startlingly low — the lowest a mere 19.1 millimeters mercury, the researchers report. In patients, levels below 60 mm Hg are cause for concern, Grocott says.
The findings suggest that the amount of oxygen alone isn’t the secret to physiological success. Other factors could be how much oxygen a person’s hemoglobin can carry, or the efficiency of the cellular factories known as mitochondria, which use the oxygen.
“There’s a significant possibility that some people may just be more efficient,” Grocott says.
Even among the four climbers tested at 8,400 meters, there was individual variation in measured variables such as blood oxygen levels and pH. This physiological variation among people fits with recent work done by Cynthia Beall of Case Western Reserve University in Cleveland.
“This shows that healthy people have a huge range of variation in being able to respond to stress,” says Beall.
Her investigations of the physiology of Tibetans and other highlanders suggest that a major gene is involved in how much oxygen hemoglobin transport throughout the body. (The Everest team is also looking into the genetics of adaptation to high altitudes.)
Beall tips her hat to the field team. “To have the audacity to think about doing this work — and then to do it! I’m very impressed. The difficulty of taking the measurements alone, and adapting the equipment — they did a beautiful job.”
The results suggest that at high altitudes the problem isn’t the lack of oxygen, but the body’s ability to deliver and use it, comments Paul Firth of Massachusetts General Hospital in Boston. An analysis of mortality rates on Mount Everest by Firth and colleagues appeared in the British Medical Journal in December. “People don’t run out of gas,” he says, “the delivery deteriorates.” Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire.
Tuesday, January 6, 2009
earthquake 7.ear.0001002 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
Midstate quakes have area shook up
Sunday, December 28, 2008
BY LARA BRENCKLE
Of The Patriot-News
Maria Coole of Lancaster was home early Saturday watching a DVD of the mortuary-themed show "Six Feet Under" when she heard a "strange, roaring rumble" that "came from a little more than six feet under," she said. http://34819louis0j0sheehan0esquire.wordpress.com
The noise sent Coole to her feet and her two dogs into a panic.
"I knew immediately it was an earthquake," Coole said. http://34819louis0j0sheehan0esquire.wordpress.com
More than 1,000 people called the Lancaster County 911 center after the earthquake, which occurred just after midnight and was centered near the Salunga/Landisville area.
The U.S. Geological Survey confirmed a 3.3-magnitude quake. It could be felt as far west as Carlisle, as far east as Malvern in Chester County, north into Lebanon County and south into Maryland, according to the Geological Survey.
A dispatcher with the Lebanon County Emergency Management Agency said dispatchers there got a few calls from the Cornwall and South Lebanon Twp. areas.
A Cumberland County dispatcher said the center got at least one call from someone who felt it in the Mechanicsburg area, and at least one Harrisburg-area resident called The Patriot-News.
"I was really just unnerved," Coole said. "I wasn't frightened for my life, but I was unnerved for about an hour afterward."
This isn't the first time the midstate has felt the earth shaking this year.
In October, dozens of small earthquakes, averaging about 2.0 on the Richter scale, rattled Dillsburg and had residents wondering if their homes and businesses were safe.
A team of seismologists from Lamont-Doherty Earth Observatory at Columbia University came to the area to set up portable seismographs in backyards in hopes of recording more quakes or aftershocks.
Carroll Twp. and Dillsburg officials also organized a town meeting, attended by earth science and geological experts, to reassure residents that what they are feeling is perfectly normal for East Coast earthquakes, which are considerably less dramatic and damaging than those in California.
The cracking, roaring sound Coole heard is similar to the sounds Dillsburg residents experienced.
At the time, Charles Scharnberger, a retired professor of earth science from Millersville University, said it was possible Dillsburg could have a fault plane somewhere, or there was a large formation of diabase rock -- an ancient, rigid rock that fails explosively when it cracks -- nearby.
It usually takes a 4.0 on the Richter scale to crack pavement or rock, said John Costino, a technician with the observatory.
The Associated Press contributed to this report. LARA BRENCKLE: 255-8154 or lbrenckle@patriot-news.com
ON THE WEB
U.S. Geological Survey map of Saturday's earthquake: earthquake.usgs.gov/eqcenter/dyfi/events/us/2008bcah/us/index.html
©2009 Patriot-News
© 2009 PennLive.com All Rights Reserved. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
Midstate quakes have area shook up
Sunday, December 28, 2008
BY LARA BRENCKLE
Of The Patriot-News
Maria Coole of Lancaster was home early Saturday watching a DVD of the mortuary-themed show "Six Feet Under" when she heard a "strange, roaring rumble" that "came from a little more than six feet under," she said. http://34819louis0j0sheehan0esquire.wordpress.com
The noise sent Coole to her feet and her two dogs into a panic.
"I knew immediately it was an earthquake," Coole said. http://34819louis0j0sheehan0esquire.wordpress.com
More than 1,000 people called the Lancaster County 911 center after the earthquake, which occurred just after midnight and was centered near the Salunga/Landisville area.
The U.S. Geological Survey confirmed a 3.3-magnitude quake. It could be felt as far west as Carlisle, as far east as Malvern in Chester County, north into Lebanon County and south into Maryland, according to the Geological Survey.
A dispatcher with the Lebanon County Emergency Management Agency said dispatchers there got a few calls from the Cornwall and South Lebanon Twp. areas.
A Cumberland County dispatcher said the center got at least one call from someone who felt it in the Mechanicsburg area, and at least one Harrisburg-area resident called The Patriot-News.
"I was really just unnerved," Coole said. "I wasn't frightened for my life, but I was unnerved for about an hour afterward."
This isn't the first time the midstate has felt the earth shaking this year.
In October, dozens of small earthquakes, averaging about 2.0 on the Richter scale, rattled Dillsburg and had residents wondering if their homes and businesses were safe.
A team of seismologists from Lamont-Doherty Earth Observatory at Columbia University came to the area to set up portable seismographs in backyards in hopes of recording more quakes or aftershocks.
Carroll Twp. and Dillsburg officials also organized a town meeting, attended by earth science and geological experts, to reassure residents that what they are feeling is perfectly normal for East Coast earthquakes, which are considerably less dramatic and damaging than those in California.
The cracking, roaring sound Coole heard is similar to the sounds Dillsburg residents experienced.
At the time, Charles Scharnberger, a retired professor of earth science from Millersville University, said it was possible Dillsburg could have a fault plane somewhere, or there was a large formation of diabase rock -- an ancient, rigid rock that fails explosively when it cracks -- nearby.
It usually takes a 4.0 on the Richter scale to crack pavement or rock, said John Costino, a technician with the observatory.
The Associated Press contributed to this report. LARA BRENCKLE: 255-8154 or lbrenckle@patriot-news.com
ON THE WEB
U.S. Geological Survey map of Saturday's earthquake: earthquake.usgs.gov/eqcenter/dyfi/events/us/2008bcah/us/index.html
©2009 Patriot-News
© 2009 PennLive.com All Rights Reserved. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
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